Taxonomy of meanings for 子:　　

Additional information about 子

說文解字: 【子】，十一月陽气動，萬物滋，人以爲偁。 〔小徐本「人以爲偁」作「入以爲稱。」〕 象形。 〔小徐本「形」下有「也」。〕 凡子之屬皆从子。 【李陽冰曰：子在襁褓中，足倂也。】 【卽里切】 【𡿹(㜽)】，古文子从巛，象髮也。 〔小徐本作「古文從巛，髮也。」〕 【𢀇】，籒文子囟有髮，臂脛在几上也。 〔小徐本「囟」上有「從」。〕

Criteria
• PRINCE
  

  1. The standard word for a prince is gōng zǐ 公子.

• BROTHER
  

  1. The standard collective term for brothers is xiōng dì 兄弟.

  2. Xiōng 兄 can refer to the eldest brother as the head of his own generation (explicitly bó xiōng 伯兄 ), but it word often refers more generally to elder brothers, including those who are not the heir in the clan.

  3. Dì 弟 refers to the younger brothers, and never specifically to the youngest.

  4. Zōng zǐ 宗子 is a specific, formal, and ritual term for the eldest brother and heir in a family, typically after the death of whom he succeeds. See HEIR.

  5. Zhòng 仲 refers to the next-eldest or second-eldest brother.

  6. Bó 伯／霸 is the technical term for the eldest brother, and this word is sometimes expanded to bó xiōng 伯兄.

  7. Jì 季 refers to the last-born brother or sister.

  8. Kūn dì 昆弟 refers to brothers in general, but there is a pervasive doubt whether it does not also include the notion of cousins. See COUSIN.

• BOY
  

  1. Tóng zǐ 童子 is the standard neutral word for a boy below the age of 15, but the strong connotation is that of ignorance and immaturity.

  2. Shù zǐ 豎子 refers to a boy as opposed to an infant, but very often often with strong pejorative force.

  3. Tóng 童 by itself is an archaic word referring to a boy, but the term enters freely into non-archaic binomes.

  4. Rú zǐ 孺子 can refer to a child of any sex, and certainly often refers to young girls, but like rú 孺 alone the word does sometimes refer specifically to boys regarded as catamites.

  5. Nán 男 refers generally to males, and only by extension to boys. Note incidentally that apparently even in Tang times a nán ér 男兒 tends to be a young man rather than a boy.

  6. Zǐ 子 refers generally to children, but it is often hard to distinguish the meaning from that of boy, when the reference obviously is to males. See CHILD.

  7. Ruò zǐ 弱子 refers to a (probably male) child as an object of maternal love, and there is pervasive doubt whether this term refers to a boy or a girl, although given traditional preoccupations with boys, one suspects the typical reference is taken to little boys needful of motherly care. See CHILD.

• FELINE
  

  There is no general concept for felines. Commonly mentioned felines are these:

  1. By far the most common feline in ancient Chinese literature is the hǔ 虎 "tiger". See TIGER.

  2. Bào 豹 refers to the leopard who has also captured the ancient Chinese imagination.

  3. Lí 狸 and māo 貓 refer to lithe small wild-cat-like creatures, possibly badgers, and the inclusion here is tentative to say the least.

  4. Shī zǐ 獅子 refers to the lion, but the lion was largely unknown in China.

  NB: The lion was not known in ancient China and is first mentioned in Eastern Han times by Xún Yuè 荀悅.

• CHINESE LANGUAGE
  

  1. guānhuà 官話 "Mandarin" is obsolete, and its traditional antonym was xiāngyǔ 鄉語 "local speech".

  From Míng Dynasty times, this was a current word for the common vernacular language used by administrative staff of any kind throughout China.

  DC: 明何良俊《四友齋叢說 ‧ 史十一》： " 雅宜不喜作鄉語，每發口必官話。 "

  2. báihuà 白話 "plain speech, vernacular" (as opposed to wényán 文言 )

  This is a modern word referring to an easily accessible written version of the Chinese language. In classical contexts or early vernacular contexts the expression always seems to refer to "empty talk" rather than the vernacular language.

  3. guóyǔ 國語 "national language" (ant. wàiyǔ 外語 ) (pre-1950ies and Taiwan)

  A word that continues to be in increasing common use even in Mainland China today, and which is standard in places like Malaysia or Singapore, as well as in Taiwan.

  4. zhōngguóyǔ 中國語 "language of China" (ant. wàiguóyǔ 外國語 )

  Current Japanese way of writing the Japanese word for the Chinese language, but the expression has a long history in China, the first attested use being in Yáng Xióng's Model Sayings of the first century BC.

  5. pǔtōnghuà 普通話 "common language" (Mainland China) (ant. dìfāngyǔ 地方語, fāngyán 方言 "dialect (not in the ancient meaning)")

  This is a very common modern expression which corresponds to Greek koinē, and the word is always used in counterdistinction to (often mutually incomprehensible) dialects. The word has a rather political flair.

  6. Hànyǔ 漢語 "language of the Hàn people" (should include all dialects, but is often used otherwise)

  This is the most current word for the Chinese language as opposed to other 族語 "national languages". The word is very current in the Buddhist Tripitaka, but it is also attested elsewhere 庾信《奉和法筵應詔》： " 佛影胡人記，經文漢語翻。 ". The term is also attested in 世說新語.

  7. Zhōngguóhuà 中國話 "Chinese speech" (includes all dialects)

  This word is always used in counterdistinction to foreign languages. It has become current in international contexts in nineteenth century novels.

  8. Zhōngwén 中文 "Chinese (typically written) language" (ant. wàiwén 外文, often icludes speech: 會說中文 )

  This word is already attested in the medieval 搜神記, where it refers to the written language. In Modern Standard Chinese this is a very common way of referring to Chinese as opposed to foreign languages, and as a subject in school curricula.

  9. Huáyǔ 華語 "Chinese talk" (used mainly in Singapore, Hong Kong etc.)

  This word has a long history in Buddhist texts, and it is also already attested in 劉知幾《史通 ‧ 言語》： "... 必諱彼夷音，變成華語.

  10. Hànyīn 漢音 "Han-Chinese sounds" refers to the Chinese language in a poetic style. Sanskrit is currently referred to as 梵音.

  HD sub verbo 漢文： 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  HD: 2. 指漢語。南朝宋朱廣之《咨顧道士＜夷夏論＞》： " 想茲漢音，流入彼國。 "

  老子漢人也。

  新修科分六學僧傳 R133_p0714a04(02)║

  胡蕃國也。土地不同。則言音亦異。當其化胡成佛之際。為作漢音耶。作蕃音耶。苟以漢音。則蕃國有所不解。以蕃音。則此經之至。宜須翻譯。

  11. Hàn yán 漢言 "Hàn language, language of the Hàn Dynasty> Chinese" (ant. 胡言 or 胡語 ) is a historico-ethnographic term.

  This remained a very common way of referring to the Chinese language long after the Hàn Dynasty, as is clear from the Buddhist Tripitaka. (424 occurrences in CBETA.)

  T25n1512_p0835b29(05)║

  胡言般若波羅蜜。

  漢言智慧彼岸也

  T48n2023_p1095c25(00)║

  志曰。

  佛者。 Buddha

  漢言覺也。 is "the enlightened" in Hàn language"

  將以覺悟群生也。 He will bring enlightenment to the sentient beings.

  12. Wényán 文言 "literary Chinese" (ant. báihuà 白話 "plain vernacular") today refers to a modernised version of traditional classical Chinese, as used for example in letters. But in the Buddhist Tripitaka, for example, the phrase regularly refers to ornate Chinese, ornate formulations. Neither traditionally nor in modern times is 文言 used in counterdistinction to foreign languages: the contrast is with other varieties of Chinese.

  DC: 4. 別於白話的古漢語書面語。蔡元培《在國語傳習所的演說》： " 文言上還有例句，如 ' 爾無我詐，我無爾虞 ' 等。 "

  13. wényánwén 文言文 "literary Chinese writing" (ant. báihuàwén 白話文 ) refers to classical Chinese as it continues to be used in the introductions to books and in formal letter-writing.

  This is a twentieth century word, as far as I can see.

  14. báihuà-wén 白話文 "plain talk writing" (ant. wényánwén 文言文 ) is a term with a strong stylistic nuance.

  This is a twentieth century word.

  15. tōngyòngyǔ 通用語 "general use language".

  This is a twentieth century neologism designed to replace 普通話. The term has never achieved broad use.

  16. dàzhòngyǔ 大眾語 "mass language" is obsolete today.

  This is a politicised ideological concept stressing the universal use and popularity of the Chinese language as advocated by language politicians. It is a twentieth century political neologism.

  17. guówén 國文 "state writing" refers in a formal way to written Chinese.

  This is a twentieth century term mainly used in connection with educational politics.

  HD: 許地山《東野先生》： “ 這不是國文教科書底一課麼？ ”

  18. Hàn wén 漢文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Hàn (typically written) language"

  HD: 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  19. Zhōngguó wénzì 中國文字 "the Chinese (written) language"

  T49n2036_p0477a06(03)║　

  中國文字未通。蓋不可知也。

  R110_p0542b01(05)║

  偈語原必有韻譯以中國文字。則無可協。

  R110_p0542b09(00)║

  流入東土後。以中國文字經為尊稱。故亦稱經。

  20. Huá yán 華言 is an obsolete traditional term for Chinese that comes over 1200 times in Taisho Tripitaka.

  R150_p0541a 13(00)║

  剌麻者。乃西域之尊稱。

  譯華言為無上二字。

  R149_p0695a 12(00)║

  梵語阿修羅。亦云阿素洛。

  又云阿須倫。

  華言非天。

  R149_p0718b05(03)║

  梵語袈裟華言壞色衣。

  21. dōngtǔ Huáxiàyán 東土華夏言 "Chinese language in the eastern regions" is an ad hoc periphrastic expression which one might insist was never lexicalised, but it is perhaps worth recording just as well, if only in order to

  R059_p0119b04(00)║

  梵語。西天梵國語也。

  華言。東土華夏言也。

  譯者翻也。

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  22. Hàn'ér yányǔ 漢兒言語 "Hàn language" is a term that is current in Korean textbooks of colloquial Chinese, like the famous 老乞大 : “ 你是高麗人，卻怎麼漢兒言語說的好。 ” See also the article in 太田辰夫《漢語史通考 · 關於漢兒言語》

  23. Jìn wén 晉文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Jìn (typically written) language" is fairly rare, but clear examples are easily found:

  T50n2059_p0326c12(02)║

  還歸中夏。

  自燉煌至長安。

  沿路傳譯寫為晉文。

  24. Jìn yán 晉言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Jìn" is common indeed, but many examples can be read technically as "in Jìn this translates as". Not however in this example:

  於龜茲國金華祠。

  T14n0434_p0105ā6(01)║　

  演出此經。譯梵音為晉言。

  T33n1693_p0001ā7(01)║

  斯經似安世高譯。為晉言也。 (punctuation probably wrong!)

  25. Jìn yǔ 晉語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Jìn"

  T50n2059_p0329ā2(00)║

  手執梵文口宣晉語。

  T55n2145_p0072b24(03)║

  先誦本文。

  然後乃譯為晉語。

  26. Jìn yīn 晉音 "Jìn Dynasty speech"

  T14n0434_p0105á1(00)║

  沙門慧海者。通龜茲語。

  善解晉音。

  林復命使譯龜茲語為晉音。

  T50n2060_p0634á6(02)║

  外國語云阿耨菩提。

  晉音翻之無上大道。

  27. Qín yán 秦言 "Qín language> Chinese" is the standard way of providing Chinese translations for Sanskrit words in the Buddhist Tripitaka. (No less than 1132 examples in CBETA, but mostly formulaic, as in the following examples.)

  答曰。摩訶秦言大。 "maha is "big"in Chinese"

  T25n1509_p0383á2(03)║

  今問摩訶薩義。摩訶者秦言大。

  28. Qín yǔ 秦語 "Speech of the Qín > Chinese"

  In the Buddhist Tripitaka, this is a very formal term for Chinese, not very common. (Only 22 occurrences in CBETA)

  T26n1543_p0771b02(08)║

  梵本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千五百四言 ) 。

  秦語十九萬五千二百五十言。

  T51n2068_p0053c09(05)║

  什自手執胡經。

  口譯秦語曲從方言而趣不乖本。

  T51n2068_p0054á9(07)║

  什自執梵本口譯秦語。

  T55n2145_p0072b07(28)║

  胡本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千三百四言 ) 秦語十九萬五千二百五十言

  T55n2145_p0073c09(02)║

  胡本一萬一千七百五十二首盧長五字也。

  凡三十七萬六千六十四言也。

  秦語為十六五千九百七十五字。

  29. Táng wén 唐文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Táng (typically written) language"

  This is the standard way of referring to the written Chinese language in Buddhist texts of the Táng dynasty.

  R130_p0664b06(02)║

  以華言唐文刻釋氏經典

  T39n1797_p0803b21(10)║

  不得梵文依唐文得意亦同。

  T48n2025_p1160a24(08)║

  唐文多對偶當盡翻譯。

  T50n2060_p0614c17(05)║

  有天竺三藏大齎梵本擬譯唐文。

  R024_p0177a16(02)║　

  語精梵言。

  雖亦兼美唐文。

  乍來恐未盡善。

  30. Táng yán 唐言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Táng".

  1523 occurrences in CBETA. Occasionally, one wonders whether this does refer to Táng time Chinese whereas Hànyīn 漢音 does not:

  T20n1177Ap0724c02(01)║

  遂將得舊翻譯唐言漢音經本在寺。

  31. Táng yǔ 唐語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Táng"

  A fairly rare way of referring to the Chinese language in Táng Buddhist texts. (Only 18 occurrences in CBETA)

  R014_p0563a14(02)║

  印度罽賓皆未詳唐語。

  R036_p0985a16(18)║　　　　

  又多兩重怗文當知初依梵文後釋唐語

  T30n1579_p0283c07(05)║

  三藏法師玄奘。

  敬執梵文譯為唐語。

  32. Táng yīn 唐音 "Táng speech" is a regular expression for Táng Dynasty Chinese in the Buddhist Tripitaka.

  R036_p0584b13600)

  梵語本是兩名唐音無以甄別

  R066_p0717b08(01)║

  此偈乃是梵語訛言。

  傳者將為唐音正字。

  33. Tánghuà 唐話 "Táng talk" is a current Cantonese term for Chinese, and the famous intellectual 許地山 writes: 他說的雖是唐話，但是語格和腔調全是不對的。 But in this phrase, I am instructed by my teacher and friend Jiǎng Shàoyú, Táng refers not to the dynasty but to 唐山.

  34. Dà Táng yǔ 大唐語 "Speech of the Great Táng Dynasty" is rarely attested, but the word does exist:

  R150_p1055b17(00)║

  若僧雖是新羅人。却會大唐語。 Monk Ruò was a person from Xīnluó, but he spoke the language of the Great Táng Dynasty.

  35. Hàn 漢 is an abbreviation for Hànyǔ 漢語 currently used in Buddhist translation theory, but the word is not in itself a term for the Chinese language outside such technical contexts.

  T21n1293_p0378c15(02)║　

  翻梵為漢 Translate the Sanskrit into Chinese.

  R068_p0353b05(05)║

  梵是天竺之言。

  漢是此土之語。

  R133_p0623b09(07)║

  序以條列梵漢旨義。

  R005_p0007b03(02)║

  翻譯之家自有規准。 The specialists in translation have their own standards.

  若名梵漢共有。 If a term exists both in Sanskrit and in Chinese

  則敵對而翻。 than they just match the terms up in translation.

  36. Táng 唐 "language of the Táng Dynsasty.

  梵唐

  T54n2133Ap1196b12(02)║　

  一曰義淨撰梵語千字文。

  或名梵唐千字文。

  T55n2176_p1118a01(00)║　

  梵唐對譯阿彌陀經一卷 ( 仁 )

  This is the same as 梵唐語：

  T55n2176_p1118b20(00)║　

  梵唐語對註譯大佛頂真言一卷

  T55n2176_p1119c19(18)║

  梵唐對譯法花二十八品

  T55n2176_p1120a05(00)║　

  梵唐對譯金剛般若經二卷

  T55n2176_p1131a06(00)║　

  梵唐文字一卷

  37. Jìn 晉 "the language of the Jìn Dynasty.

  The term is rarely used to refer directly to the language, unlike the common Táng 唐. But examples do exist:

  T55n2157_p0795c08(08)║

  既學兼梵晉故譯義精允。

  38. nèidìhuà 內地話 refers to the language spoken on the Mainland, and the word is mostly used on Taiwan. This term represents an outsider's view on the Chinese language. (2.9 million hits in Google! This important word was brought to my attention by Jens Østergaard Petersen.)

  39. shénzhōu yǔ 神州語 "the language of our divine land" is quaint, nationalistically sentimental, and a rare way of referring to the Chinese language.

  beijing.kijiji.cn/á1221463.html:

  心中一暖，想到他居然會說神州語，正要說些甚麼，但一開口，嘴部動作牽動喉嚨，...

  40. zúyǔ 族語 "the national language (of the Chinese) is a borderline case because the term refers to national languages in general, and only by extension to Chinese in particular.

  42. Hàn dì zhī yán 漢地之言 "language of the Ha4n territory" is a marginal periphrastic expression which one should probably not regard as a lexicalised item. One could study such periphrastic expressions separately from the lexicalised vocabulary.

  R059_p0119b06(06)║

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  [43. jīngpiànzi 京片子 "Chinese as spoken in Peking" is a borderline case because it does refer to Peking speech, but not insofar as it is the standard for the whole of China. Colloquial examples of this sort could be multiplied...]

• SON
  

  1. The current way of referring to a son is by the word zǐ 子 "child" which regularly denotes a son. See CHILD.

• YOU
  

  1. The current general second person pronouns are rǔ 汝 in informal contexts, and in polite contexts zǐ 子.

  2. The current informal pronoun is rǔ 汝, and this word is commonly used in imperatives.

  <div>3. Ěr 爾 is another informal second person pronoun, and the word is not generally used in imperatives.</div><div><br></div><div>4. Ruò 若 is a poetic/archaising second person pronoun that went out of current use in Tang (待考）times. </div><div><br></div><div>5. Jūn 君 addresses superiors as well as equals formally, and politely.</div><div><br></div><div>6. Qīng 卿 is probably stylistically colloquial and addresses inferiors informally.</div><div><br></div><div>7. Dà wáng 大王 is the polite formal address to any king, small or powerful. </div><div><br></div><div>8. Wú zǐ 吾子, extremely common in the Zuozhuan, is respectful and honorific, but in a communicativ and sometimes even intimate mode: ·鄭玄注："吾子，相貌之辞。<br></div><br>

• VULGAR
  

  1. The most general current word for ordinariness or vulgarity is sú 俗 (ant. yǎ 雅 "elegant"), and the basic parameter of judging something as sú 俗 is relative status in the hierarchy.

  2. Jiàn 賤 (ant. shàn 善 "good" and also, along different lines guì 貴 "noble") refers 1. to noble status and 2. very negatively to a person or a piece of behaviour as not conforming to any demands set by nobility of purpose or status. Lòu 陋 (ant. huá 華 "elaborate and cultivated") refers to vulgarity as a negative feature of places (streets) or behaviour.

  3. Bǐ 鄙 (ant. chóng 崇 "elevated") refers to rusticity and lack cultural polish typical of a person from outlying regions, a country bumpkin.

  4. Yě 野 (ant. wén 文 "properly educacted, civilised") refers to true country style without necessarily strong negative connotations, but with clear overtones of condescension.

  5. Zhòng 眾 (ant. zhuō 卓 "outstanding") refers to what is characteristically linked to the hoi polloi, the ordinary people at large.

  6. Pǐ fū 匹夫 and bù yī 布衣 (ant. jūn zǐ 君子 "gentleman") refer specifically to males of the lower classes or males without public employment.

  7. Pǐ fù 匹婦 refers specifically to the wife of a person without public employment.

• DESCENDANT
  

  1. The general current and common abstract term for offspring is hòu 後 (ant. xiān 先 "forbears").

  2. Yì 裔 (ant. zǔ 祖 "ancestors"), a fairly rare word in pre-Buddhist texts, can refer to any offspring of a clan or occasionally a people.

  3. Zhòu 冑 refers to royal offspring.

  4. Yìn 胤 refers to distant offspring.

  5. Zòng 從 (ant. dí 嫡 "direct heirs") refers to the younger generation members of the same clan who do not immediately inherit.

  6. Zǐ 子 refers to children of any sex. See CHILD

  7. Sūn 孫 refers to all descendants lower than the generation of children.

  8. Shù 庶 and niè 孽 (ant. zhèng 正 "descendant in direct line") refer to offspring by other women than the main wife.

  9. Dí 嫡 / 適 (ant. zòng 從 "descendants who are not heirs") refers specifically to the direct legitimate heir.

  10. Zǐ zhí 子姪 is a general term for descendants.

  11. Zǐ xìng 子姓 specifically refers to the sons and grandsons.

• PISSPOT
  

  1. There was no pissoir in ancient China. The hǔ zǐ 虎子 was a colloquial term for a tiger-shape flask into which to urinate in one's bedroom.

  NB: Terms like mǎtǒng 馬桶 and mǎzǐ 馬子 as well as biànhú 便壺 are all late.

• MALE
  

  1. The current general term is nán 男 (opp. nǚ 女 "female) or, more administratively and technically nán zǐ 男子 (opp. nǚ zǐ 女子 "female").

  2. Mǔ 牡 refers to the male of birds and beasts in purely biological terms.

  3. Xióng 雄 denotes maleness, but often connotes virility, strength and domination as well.

  4. Zhàng fū 丈夫 (opp. fù rén 婦人 "woman") is a current, probably colloquial, word for an adult male.

  5. Fū 夫 is a dignified term for an adult male.

• WOMAN
  

  1. The current general word for a woman is nu# 女 (ant. nán 男 "male"), and the word can also refer to unmarried women.

  2. Fù 婦 (ant. fū 夫 "married man") refers to a woman who is either married or definitely of marriagable age.

  3. Aυ 媼 and yù 嫗 (ant. wēng 翁 and sōu 叟 "old man") refer to old women.

  4. Bì 婢 (ant. pú 僕 "male of low status") refers to a woman of low social status.

  5. Nu# zǐ 女子 (ant. nán zǐ 男子 "male") can refer to a female child (as well as being an administrative way of referring to - preferably counted - females).

• EGO
  

  1. The umarked current first person pronoun most current by Warring States times is wú 吾, and the word is never emphatic in constructions like 吾實 "It was I who...". (Not in OBI. Note the Jinwen variant graphs for the same word 𫊣 and 䱷.) This word does not normally occur in object position and is highly idiomatic in a possessive pre-nominal position. Significantly, this pronoun can never be used emphatically or contrastively. (NB: The word also serves as an impersonal pronoun meaning "we" in the sense close to "one", German man, French on.) 我亦 "I too", versus 予亦 "I shall moreover V".

  2. Wǒ 我 (which can be used in the emphatic construction 我實 "It was I who...") is contrastive and emphatic by Warring States times, as in wǒ zé 我則 "I on the other hand...". (In OBI 我 was not yet in opposition to wú 吾 and was the standard unmarked pronoun during earlier stages of the language). The word freely occurs in subject, modifying, and object position and often has an idiomatic meaning like "I for my part" and the formal slightly depersonalised "our party". NB: The word also serves as a derived impersonal pronoun meaning "one", German "man", French "on". 我亦 "I too", versus 予亦 "I shall moreover V".

  3. Yú 予／余 is personal and often autobiographical, speaking of the author in the past. It it a preferred pronoun used by poets.

  4. Zhèn 朕 is an ordinary southern dialect first person pronoun in CC, but by decree the word came to be limited to use by the emperor alone after the unification of the Chinese Empire in 221 BC.

  NB 1: Many official titles - but by no means all - function as quasi pronouns. For example, no king could call himself wáng 王 "king", but all ministers will normally refer to themselves as chén 臣 in the presence of their king, and not by the more assertive pronoun wǒ 我. Thus most quasi-pronouns serve a self-deprecatory function and are not usable in contexts where no self-deprecation is called for. A fascinating exception is fūzǐ 夫子 "the master" which is apparently used in self-reference meaning "I, your master" by Confucius.

  For the internal complexity of the notion of the EGO in German see C. Harbsmeier, "Ueber den inneren Schweinehund, das bessere Ich und die rausgelassene Sau" [On lack of will-power and one's better Self???]

• BEAUTIFUL
  

  [ABSOLUTE/GRADED]

  [ACOUSTIC/VISUAL]

  [ARTIFICIAL/NATURAL]

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/VULGAR]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [HUMAN/NON-HUMAN]

  [POETIC/PROSAIC]

  1. The general word is měi 美 "handsome and admirable" (ant. è 惡 "ugly") which refers to anything concrete or abstract which is attractive or handsome in a dignified way, and the word often retains its primary culinary sense of "tasty".

  [GENERAL], [GRADED]; [[COMMON]]

  2. Lì 麗 (ant. sù 素 "unaodorned") is often restricted to physical objects, prototypically to clothes, and emphasises their balanced symmetric beauty, occasionally also - by analogy - the well-aligned symmetric beauty of mountains.

  [ELEVATED], [NON-HUMAN], [VISUAL!]

  3. Wén 文 (ant. zhì 質 "merely material") emphasises cultivated external as well as internal elegance as well as traditionalism.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED], [NON-HUMAN], [VISUAL!]

  4. Yǎ 雅 (ant. sú 俗 "vulgar") emphasises primarily external elevated elegance.

  [ACOUSTIC!], [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED+], [NON-HUMAN]

  5. Hǎo 好 "comely, handsome" (ant. chǒu 醜 "ugly") refers indiscriminately to men and women, but the word is sometimes more general and even abstract in application and refers to attractive words or attractive moral qualities.

  [HUMAN!], [NATURAL], [VISUAL]

  6. Xiù 秀 "of vigorous and imposing beauty" focusses on flourishing and flamboyant beauty in analogy with that of flowers.

  [ELEVATED], [NATURAL], [NON-HUMAN], [POETIC], [VISUAL]; [[RARE]]

  7. Huá 華 "of striking and colourful beauty" (ant. sú 俗 "vulgar") focusses on flourishing and flamboyant superficial or only apparent beauty, on the analogy analogy with that of flowers.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED], NON-HUMAN], [SUPERFICIAL], [VISUAL]

  8. Zhuàng 壯 "stately" (ant. ruò 弱 "weak and unsightly") is virile beauty associated with strength and vigour. See STRONG

  [NATURAL], [MARGINAL], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  9. Jiā 佳 "of outstanding beauty" (NB: liè 劣 "unremarkable" is the ant. of jiā 佳 "outstanding", and not in the meaning of "outstandingly beautiful") emphasises comparative beauty compared to others in the same group.

  [GRADED], [ELEVATED], [NATURAL], [POETIC]

  10. Dū 都 "urbane and exquisitely beautiful" (ant. bì 鄙 "rustic and inelegant") is a highly poetic word that can only be used in elevated prose.

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [POETIC], [VISUAL]; [[RARE]]

  11. Yán 妍 "attractive and exquisite (of humans as well as human products)" (ant. chì 蚩 "unattractive") refers to elaborate beauty. See SEXY.

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [HUMAN], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  12. Xiū 脩 / 修 "refined moral beauty" refers to moral as well as physical beauty, thus coming close the Greek kalokagathia, but never approaching the latter in importance as a cultural keyword.

  <div>[ELEVATED], [ARTIFICIAL]; [[RARE]]</div><div><br></div><div>吳蓬，東方審美詞彙集萃，上海文藝出版社，2002 lists the following rough definitions of a variety of terms of aesthetic appreciation by the artist and scholar Wu Peng. Many of these terms express conventional appreciative flattery only. This list does provide one not particularly well-known artist's subjective readings of some basic terms of traditional Chinese aesthetic approbation.</div><div>勃：富有生机之突起。<br>苍：浓的，毛的，老练的。<br>沉：沉着不浮，有重量感。<br>冲：调成和淡之意向。<br>饬：整顿。<br>粗：大而不笨者。<br>淳：清，往往易薄，然而淳是清中滋润之厚。<br>醇：与淳略同，这醇是提炼后的滋润之厚。<br>绰：与"约"字合用，即舒而不纵之意。<br>澹：平静而有幽淡之趣。<br>淡：与浓艳相对。<br>宕：放荡不拘。<br>跌：往往与"宕"字合用，即是起伏明显之状。<br>端：方正而不出偏，有稳实感。<br>敦：很实在的，结实的厚。<br>繁：众而密，有生气。<br>方：与平正同义。<br>丰：饱满而充足。<br>风：审美中之"风"指的是一种气韵格调。<br>飞：大幅度的流动。<br>刚：属于阳性的，有正力的，与柔软相对。</div><div>高：俯视一切的、超然得不一般。<br>工：规矩，不潦草。<br>孤：自我独立。<br>古：旧气，更有历史的抗怀千载之迹象。<br>骨：内在的架子。<br>犷：是跟"雄悍"接近，在粗中发展开来。<br>瑰：不单调的美。<br>乖：不和顺。<br>憨：近于拙朴而敦实。<br>酣：厚润四溢。<br>豪：激动向上之貌，有气魄。<br>宏：大而有气度。<br>厚：有沉积的饱和。<br>华：明亮而艳丽。<br>环：长久圆融之境。<br>荒：与"枯简"接近，不修饰。<br>豁：与开朗接近，然比开朗明显。<br>恢：宽广有余。<br>浑：团然一气之象，有朦胧感。<br>简：经过一番整修的减少。<br>娇：美得可爱。<br>警：审美中用此警字，往往指敏锐、颖达。<br></div><div>劲：能察觉的力。<br>精：很到位。<br>隽：精致而具内涵之美。<br>娟：秀而婉丽。<br>崛：高起而突出。<br>俊：人材杰曲之美。<br>峻：山高而陡。在书画中是浓而锋利之用笔。<br>空：有灵气之空白。<br>枯：干而毛，生的萎缩，然亦是力的显露。<br>宽：大度而畅朗。<br>旷：广阔而空灵。<br>辣：是枯毛爽直的老笔触。<br>朗：明亮而豁然。<br>琅：圆而光润。<br>伦：是同类之意，带有文明意念。<br>冷：跟"淡"与"静”接近，与浓烈相对。<br>炼：精到而有功力。<br>淋：与"漓”往往合用，是无拘束的洒落。<br>流：明显的动感。<br>迈：阔而放的超势。<br>莽：宽广而繁密的，朴直奔放的。<br>袤：与"古"字合用，即悠长久远之趣。<br>茂：有生气的繁密。<br>媚：柔美之趣。<br>宓：安而静。<br>明：清晰有亮度。<br>凝：浓重而不流动。<br>懦：毫无火气之柔软。<br>平：一般的，接近于稳。<br>朴：原始状态，形象较准。<br>嫖：与"姚"字合用，即动疾之状，而有气势。<br>奇：不一般。<br>气：生发的，迎面直扑而来的感觉。<br>清：是混的相对。其间透出一股朗气。<br>峭：山之直而险，在书画中是露锋的侧锋用笔，有明显露<br>尖状态。文章中之峭，是意气直逼。<br>遒：婉转有致，内力强劲。<br>虬：与遒类似，但动感较强，弯曲而有力度。<br>意：诚实谨慎。<br>儒：代表文人之书卷气。<br>洒：散落无拘束。<br>赡：富有与丰实。若与"疏”、"逸”组合即成"澹”或"安"之义。</div><div>骚：审美中之骚字，可引伸为风骚至风流感。<br>韶：美丽有光泽。<br>涩：在不爽快的进程中，流露出内力之美。<br>深：不是浮面的。<br>神：精与气合。高端的。<br>生：不成熟，但比成熟有味。<br>肆：任意放纵。<br>松：松是灵活自然，是一切技巧之本要。<br>瘦：与粗笨相对，在审美中的"瘦"，是指细长而精练。<br>疏：一种稀少秀朗之美。<br>肃：有立即静穆下来之势。<br>率：与潦草随便有别，爽快而直接。<br>邃：深远而悠久。<br>阅：通达之意。<br>给：与"宕"合用，是安详舒放之趣。<br>天:很自然，一片天箱之"天"。<br>恬：安静而坦然。<br>挺：直而有生气。<br>婉：柔和而曲折。<br>温：是一种暖调与缓和的综合。</div><div>巍：往往与"峨"合用，是高大厚实之趣。<br>洗：与"炼”合用，即是"精炼"之意，凡物之洁出于洗。<br>犀：与"利"字合用，即坚利。<br>熙：光明，和乐。<br>细：指细而不纤。<br>娴：文静而雅致。<br>闲：一种高雅的自由。<br>萧：疏少有致。<br>潇：散朗而润泽。<br>馨：很醇厚的香气。<br>篁："篁古”是悠远辽阔之意。<br>雄：强大，有力度，有霸气。<br>秀：灵巧的，有生气的，美好的显露。<br>虚：表象空，但并非真空。<br>雅：文气而不俗。<br>妍：鲜美而柔性。<br>严：认真，不马虎。<br>淹：一种浸沉与精深明达之境。<br>野：超脱、不规范。<br>冶：经过一番精致修饰。<br>逸：悠闲的起伏。</div><div>意：精神倾向。<br>莹：透明而幽亮。<br>雍：往往与“容"字合用，有和顺之貌。<br>幽：静而深。<br>腴：肥润而饱和。<br>郁：厚积而有生气。<br>纤：与"迥"字合用，即弯环回绕之趣。<br>遹：与"瑰"字合用，即纤迥美丽之趣。<br>渊：往往与"懿"合用，是深润而悠美之趣。<br>圆：接近于饱满润滑。<br>蕴：与"藉"合用，即内涵丰富。<br>韵：一种余味不尽之趣。<br>恣：放纵的，无拘束的。<br>滋：湿润感。<br>自：出于本性的流露。<br>质：本体的，实在的。<br>纵：放逸无拘之状。<br>拙：接近朴，形不准。<br>庄：端正之貌。<br>卓：与“荤"合用，是突出明显之状。<br></div><div><br></div><br>

• GOOD
  

  1. The general term for positive appraisal of human capacities of any kind is shàn 善 (ant. è 惡 "bad").

  2. Rén 仁 (ant. cán 殘 "unfeeling") refers to kind-heartedness as an attitude directed towards moral behaviour. See BENEVOLENCE

  3. Lián 廉 (ant. tān 貪 "greedy for bribery gifts") refers to moral probity and impeccability.

  4. Zhí 直 (ant. qǔ 曲 "devious") refers to moral straightforwardness and uprightness.

  5. Zhōng 衷 (ant. xié 邪 "wicked") refers to devoted uprightness of character. See also EARNEST

  6. Qīng 清 (ant. zhuó 濁 "defiled and corrupt") can be used to refer to moral purity.

  7. Shú 淑 is a highly poetic word referring to admirable moral qualities in general, typically in women.

  8. Jūn zǐ 君子 (ant. xiǎo rén 小人 "petty man") refers to high moral qualities and capacities, especially in men.

  <div>9. Zāng 臧 (pí 否 "good-for-nothing") is an archaic neutral unemotional objective term for goodness.</div><div><br></div><div>10. Rén yì 仁義, when it is not simply listing benevolence and righteousness, commonly refers quite generally (by synecdoche) to moral goodness or the moral virtues LIKE benevolence and righteousness and not in fact to just two of the virtues.<br></div><br>

• STUDENT
  

  1. The current general word for a disciple of any kind, or a follower of a school or any line of thought, is tú 徒.

  2. Mén rén 門人 stresses the physical abode near a master.

  3. Dì zǐ 弟子 refers rather intimately to disciples of a master as the object of his affection.

  4. Shǔ 屬 is a cold general word referring to someone who belongs to a certain group and under a certain leadership.

  5. Cóng zhě 從者 like the English "followers" primarily focusses on the idea of following a master wherever he goes, but this nuance is weakened with time so that the term comes to mean quite abstractly "follower".

  6. Xiǎo zǐ 小子 is an affectionate term only used in the vocative.

• EMPEROR
  

  天子

  皇帝

  上

  帝

• ARTISAN
  

  1. The current general word for a worker or craftsman is jiàng 匠 (ant. shì 士 "freeman; scholar").

  2. Yōng 庸 (ant. jūn zǐ 君子 "gentleman") refers to any menial worker.

  3. Yì 役 (ant. zhǔ 主 "person in charge") refers specifically to a corvee labourer. See CORVEE LABOURER

  4. Táo 陶 "potter", páo 庖 "cook", yě 冶 "founder" are current specific terms.

  5. Zhū 侏 and rú 儒 are specific terms referring to the clowns or court entertainers. See CLOWN

• KING
  

  1. The general term for a king of any kind is wáng 王, and in Warring States times this term can refer to all sovereign rulers, even the Son of Heaven.

  2. Tiān wáng 天王 is a highly formal ritual term for "the King by the Grace of Heaven" and refers regularly to the Zhou king.

  3. Tiān zǐ 天子 refers to the Son of Heaven recognised as the ritual leader of all kings, and the word is currently used in a non-referential generic abstract sense.

  4. Dì 帝, originally "highest ancestor", is an honorary title for a king of very special distinction.

  5. Huáng 皇 is a very archaic way of referring to mythical rulers which in Qin times came to be used as part of the term for "emperor".

  6. Huáng dì 皇帝 is the Qin standard term for the emperor.

• HEIR
  

  1. The most current general and neutral word referring to an heir is sì 嗣.

  2. Dí 嫡 / 適 (ant. shù 庶 "offspring by a woman other than one's main wife") emphasises the legitimacy of the succession.

  3. Hòu 後, zhòu 冑, and yìn 胤 are vague and include all offspring.

  4. Tài zǐ 太子 refers specifically to the formally established and declared heir apparent to a king or an emperor.

  5. Shì zǐ 世子 refers to the formally established and declared heir apparent of a duke, king or emperor.

• OFFICER
  

  1. Jūn zǐ 君子 (xiǎo rén 小人 "soldier of lower rank") refers generically to the higher grades in the army.

  2. Kuí 魁 is a powerful personality who happens, on account of his power, to obtain military command over an army.

  3. Sīmǎ 司馬 refers to a very senior military official in the bureaucracy of the capital of a state.

  4. tài wèi 太尉 corresponds roughly to the Minister of Defense in the Qin and Han bureaucracy.

  5. Dū weì 都尉 is a senior military official in the Han bureaucracy.

  NB: For official military titles see XXX.

• BUTTOCKS
  

  1. The general word for the rump is kāo 尻 which is said by DUAN YUCAI to refer to the anus gōu zǐ 溝子, but some examples clearly suggest otherwise.

  2. Tún 臀 is rare and archaic and the focus is on the buttocks, especially as an object of whipping (HANSHU).

• GIRL
  

  NB: The distinction between "girl" and "daughter" is very often unclear.

  1. A current general word for a girl is rú zǐ 孺子, and in the plural nu � mèi 女妹.

  2. Zǐ nu �子女 refers to post-puberty girls often used as gifts or as bribes.

  3. Nu �女 can refer to a girl.

• CHILD
  

  1. The commonest word for a child is zǐ 子 "son; child (male or female); rarely: baby".

  2. Ér 兒 refers to children of fairly young age.

  3. Tóng 童 refers to a person as a young child without focusing on whose child it is and the word is often used in compounds.

  4. Gōng zǐ 公子 refers specifically to a prince or son by a royal father and his main wife. See PRINCE.

  5. Chì zǐ 赤子 refers to a fairly small or new-born child.

  6. Ruò zǐ 弱子 and 童子 refer to a very young child.

  7. Xiǎo zǐ 小子 is often used for small children but can also refer to people lower in hierachy as for example the disciples of a master (often when the master is addressing them); in addition it is sometimes used by the ruler (when mourning for his parents) and by high officers as humble first person pronoun.

  8. Rǔ zǐ 孺子 can refer to very young children, but the word can also refer more generally to youths, especially girls.

• LION
  

  1. The standard word for a lion is shī 獅, usually written 師, or 獅子／師子.

• TEACHER
  

  1. The current general word for a (revered) teacher of one's choice is shī 師.

  2. Zǐ 子 and fū zǐ 夫子 can be used to refer to the teacher within a given school by the adherents of that school.

  3. Fù 傅 refers to a hired or formally employed tutor.

• COMMONER
  

  1. Pǐ fū 匹夫 (ant. jūn zǐ 君子 "gentleman; freeman") and the rarer xì rén 細人 is a purely sociological term referring to a person without public office.

  2. Xiǎo rén 小人 (ant. jūn zǐ 君子 ) is a term of moral or personal appraisal and refers to a person of minor worth or of no moral merit.

• GENTLEMAN
  

  1. The current general term for a person of a certain social standing is shì 士 and this word often connotes specifically a certain level of education, particularly literacy. See INTELLECTUAL.

  2. Jūn zǐ 君子 can focus either on nobility of birth and social status. See alsounder GOOD the meaning "man of excellent character".

  3. Rú 儒 (opp. 墨 "Mohist"), literally "weakling", typically referred Late Warring States times to classicists, often from broadly Confucian circles.

  4. Xián 賢 (ant. 不肖 "person of inferior worth and talent") adds to the notion of an intellectual of some education that of special talent, and sometimes also of moral worth. See TALENT.

  5. Zhé 哲 emphasises advanced intellectual talents.

  6. Jiā 家 focusses on basic professionalism or expertise, but the term is rare in pre-Han times.

  7. Shēng 生 simply refers to literates.

• MOUNTAINS
  

  8. Qí shān 岐山 is located in the northeast of the modern Qishan district, Shaanxi province. It was also called Tiān zhǔ shān 天柱山 Fēnghuángduī4 風凰堆. Ancient Zhou centers were located close to this mountain. For this reason, Qí shān 岐山 is mentioned already in the Shijing.

  9. Qíliánshān 祁連山 is another name for Tiānshān 天山. This mountain range is located in the southern and western part of the modern Xinjiang. It is divided into two groups - the northern in the central Xinjiang, and the southern in the southern Xinjiang. The former is identical with the modern Tiānshān 天山, the latter includes modern Kūnlúnshān 昆侖山, A3ěrjīnshān 阿爾金, and Qíliánshān 祁連山.These mountains are already mentioned in the Shiji, Xiongnu liezhuan.

  10. D4àyǔlíng 大庾岭 refers to the mountains on the borders of the modern Jiangxi and Guangdong.

  11. Yīnshān 陰山 refers to the mountains in the central part of the modern Inner Mongolia. Mentioned already in the Shiji.

  12. Qínlíng 秦岭 is a mountain range dividing the northern and southern parts of China. It is also a water-shed dividing the drainage areas of the Weì 渭, Huái 淮, and Hàn 漢 rivers. It spreads from the borders of the Qinghai and Gansu to the central part of Henan. This range includes important mountains, such as Mínshān 岷山, Huàshān 華山, and Sǒngshān 嵩山. Qínlíng 秦岭 in the narrow sense refers to the part of the range in the modern Shaanxi.

  13. Yānshān 燕山 refers to the mountains on the northern edge of the Hebei plains.

  14. Wǔyíshān 武夷山 is the name of the mountains on the borders of the modern Jiangxi and Fujian provinces. The earliest references I have found are post-Han.

  15. Taìhéngshān 太行山 refers to the mountain range on the borders of the modern Henan, Shanxi, and Hebei. In the south, it reaches to the Huanghe. The name already occurs in the texts of the Warring States period [YUGONG chapter in the SHANGSHU].

  16. Kūnlúnshān 昆侖山 is the name of the mountains on the borders of the modern Xinjiang and Tibet. It runs from the east to the west in the length of 2500 km. It is already referred to in the texts of the Warring states and Han periods [SHANHAIJING, HUAINANZI, MU TIANZI ZHUAN].

  17. Tiānshān 天山 are mountains in the central part of the modern Xinjiang. The name already occurs in the SHANHAIJING and HANSHU.

  18. Jǐuzǐshān 九子山 is an ancient name of the Jiǔhuáshān 九華山 in the modern Qingyang county of the Anhui province. The latter name was in use since the Tang.

  19. Dàbāshān 大巴山 refers to the mountains on the borders of the modern Sichuan, Gansu, Shaanxi, and Hubei.

  20. Yàndàngshān 雁蕩山 are the mountains in the southeastern part of the modern Zhejiang province.

  21. Wūshān 巫山 is located on the borders of the modern Sichuan and Hubei. The Changjiang flows through its central part, creating famous Three gorges.

  22. Jūnshān 君山 is the mountain in the center of the Dongting lake, modern Hunan province. Also called Dòngtíngshān 洞庭山.

  23. Běimáng 北邙 is the mountain range in the modern Henan. Also called Mángshān 芒山, Běishān 北山.It runs from Sanmenxia in the West to the bank of the Yīluò river in the East. Since the Eastern Han, princes and high officers were buried on its slopes north to the Luoyang.

  24. Běigùshān 北固山 is the mountain in the northeastern part of the modern city of Zhenjiang, Jiangsu province.

  25. Wúshān 吳山 is name of the three important mountains.

  a. In the north of the Pinglu county, Shanxi province. According to HOUHANSHU, on the peak of it, there there was located the city of Yǔ 麌.

  b. To the south-east of the Xihu lake in the Hangzhou city, Zhejiang province. In the Chunqiu period, it was the western border of the state of Wú, hence the name.

  c. In the southwestern part of the Long county, Shaanxi province. According to ERYA, it was one of the Five sacred mountains, 五岳.

  26. Dìngjūnshān 定軍山 is located in the southeatern part of the modern Mian county, Shaanxi province. In 219 A.D., near these mountains, army of Liu Bei defeated one of the Cao Caos generals.

  27. Fúniúshān 伏牛山 is ancient name for the Jīnshān 金山, northwest to the modern city of Zhenjiang in the Jiangsu province. The latter name came to be used in the Tang. Also called Huófú 獲箙, Fúyù 浮玉 mountains.　

  28. Jiāoshān 焦山 is located to the northeast of the modern city of Zhenjiang, Jiangsu province.

  29. Tài sh1an 泰山 is the most important of the Five sacred mountains. It was also called Dōngyuè 東岳, Daìzōng 岱宗, Daìshān 岱山, Daìyuè 岱岳, Taìyuè 泰岳. It is located in the central part of the modern Shandong province. The mountain range runs from the eastern margin of the Dōngpíng 東平 lake in the northwestern direction to the modern Linbo city. It is about 200 km long. Since antiquity, Chinese rulers sacrificed on the Tài sh1an. The earliest evidence is in SHIJING.

  30. Huàshān 華山 is the westernmost of the Five sacred peaks, henceforth it was also called Xīyuè 西岳. It is located in the southern part of the modern Yin county, Shaanxi province. Its height is 1997 m.

  31. Héng shān �琱 sis the northernmost of the Five sacred peaks, henceforth it was also called Běiyuè 北岳.From the Han to the Ming, the sacred Héng shān �琱 swas located in the northwestern part of the modern Quyang county of the Hebei province.

  32. Héng shān 衡山 is the southernmost of the Five sacred mountains, and is also called Nányuè 南岳. It is located in the modern Hengshan county in the Hunan province, and is 1290 m high, and several hundred km long. It is refered to already in SHANGSHU, SHUN DIAN.　

  33. Sōng shān 嵩山 is the central of the Five sacred peaks, and it was also called Sōngyuè 嵩岳. It belongs to the Fúniúshān 伏牛山 mountain range, and is located in the modern Dengfeng county in the Henan province. It is already mentioned in the SHIJING.

  34. Niúzhǔshān 牛渚山 is the name of the mountains on the bank of the Changjiang in the northwestern part of the modern Dangtu county, Anhui province.

  35. Bāgōngshān 八公山 are the mountains in the western part of the modern city of Huainan, Anhui province. It is located west of the Féishuǐ 淝水, and south of the Huáishǔi 淮水. In 383 A.D. famous battle of Feishui took place close to this mountain.

  36. Jiǔyíshān 九疑山, also called Cāngyǔshān 蒼木吾山, are the mountains in the modern Ningyuan county in the Hunan province. According to the Shiji, the sage emperor Shun died and was buried there.

  37. Chìchéngshān 赤城山 are the mountains in the northwestern part of the modern Tiantai, Zhejiang province. First mentioned in the Jin dynasty.

  38. Lúshān 盧山 are the mountains in the southern part of the modern Jiujiang town, Jiangxi province. Also called Kuāngshān 匡山, Kuānglú 匡盧, Nánzhàng4shān 南障山. The name is already mentioned in the Han times. It is said that both Emperor Yu and First emperor climbed the mountains when travelling to the South.

  39. Sh3ouyángshān 首陽山 are the mountains in the southern part of the modern Yongji county, Shanxi province. According to the tradition (for the first time mentioned in the LUNYU), it was in these mountains, where Boyi and Shuqi lived in hermitage. The mountains are already referred to in the SHIJING.

  40. E2méishān 峨嵋山 is the name of the mountains in the southwestern part of the modern Emei county, Sichuan province. It is already mentioned in the HUAYANG GUOZHI of the Jin dynasty. It belongs to the four famous mountains of buddhism.

  41. Qīngchéngshān 青城山 are the mountains in the southwestern part of the modern Guan county, Sichuan province. According to the tradition, it was there where in the Han times Zhang Daoling practiced dao.

  42. Luófúshān 羅浮山 are the mountains on the north bank of the Dōngjiāng 東江 river in the modern Guangdong province. According to the tradition, during the Eastern Jin dynasty, Ge Hong practiced dao there.

• SOLDIER
  

  1. There is no current general word for a soldier of any rank, and the collective term for soldiers is jūn 軍 "army". See ARMY

  2. Zú 卒 and the archaic tú 徒 refer to an ordinary infantry soldier, and these footsoldiers never ride chariots.

  3. Jiǎ 甲 refers to armoured soldiers riding in carriages.

  4. Jì 騎 refers to cavalry (Han dynasty).

  5. Nǔ 弩 refers to crossbowmen.

  6. Yì 役 refers to a conscript soldier.

  7. Xiǎo rén 小人 (jūn zǐ 君子 "soldier of a higher grade") refers generically to the lower grades in the army.

  8. Shì 士 refers to officers riding chariots in battle.

  NB: Bīng 兵 "soldier" may turn out to be post-Han. I have not yet found a clear example where the word refers to a soldier.

Word relations
• Conv: (CHILD)父/FATHER The completely dominant word is fù 父
• Ant: (BOY)女/GIRL Nu� 女 can refer to a girl. 1 Attribution
• Epithet: (CHILD)孝/LOVE Xiào 孝 refers to loving respect for one's parents and ancestors in attitude and action and is a major traditional virtue. 2 Attributions
• Epithet: (CHILD)赤/NAKED1 Attribution
• Assoc: (CHILD)妻/WIFE Qī 妻 (ant. fū 夫 "husband") refers to the regular main wife. 2 Attributions
• Assoc: (CHILD)孫/DESCENDANT Sūn 孫 refers to all descendants lower than the generation of children. 1 Attribution
• Assoc: (SON)君/RULER Jūn 君 (ant. chén 臣 "minister") refers specifically to someone who is politically or administratively in charge of others as a ruler. 1 Attribution
• Synon: (YOU)汝 / 女/YOU The current general second person pronouns are rǔ 汝 and in polite contexts zǐ 子. 1 Attribution
• Oppos: (YOU)吾 / 䱷/EGO The umarked current first person pronoun most current by Warring States times is wú 吾. This word does not normally occur in object position and is highly idiomatic in a possessive pre-nominal position. Significantly, this pronoun can never be used emphatically or contrastively. NB: The word also serves as an impersonal pronoun meaning "one", German man, French on. 3 Attributions
• Oppos: (YOU/PLUR)我/WE1 Attribution
• Oppos: (YOU)我/EGO Wǒ 我 is contrastive and emphatic by Warring States times (in OBI it was not yet in opposition to wú 吾 and was the standard unmarked pronoun during earlier stages of the language). The word freely occurs in subject, mofifying, and object position and often has an idiomatic meaning like "I for my part" and the formal slightly depersonalised "our party". NB: The word also serves as an impersonal pronoun meaning "one", German man, French on. 29 Attributions
• Oppos: (CHILD)母/MOTHER1 Attribution