Taxonomy of meanings for 大:　　

Additional information about 大

說文解字: 【大】，天大，地大，人亦大，故大象人形。 〔小徐本「人亦大」下有「焉」，無「故大」二字。〕 古文大 【他達切】 也。 〔小徐本作「古文人也。」〕 凡大之屬皆从大。 【徒蓋切】

Criteria
• METHOD
  

  1. The most general word for method or technique is shù 術, and the professional technique here referred is typically publicly accessible.

  2. Fāng 方 refers to a professional and often esoteric and/or recondite skill or trick.

  3. Fǎ 法 is a regular rule-governed procedure governing the proper exercise of a skill.

  4. Dào 道 is a way of being as well as a way of doing things, and this Way may be either exoteric or esoteric.

  5. Duān 端 refers to a basic method or the important features of a method.

  學有次第而後大成 "When study has method, only then will it greatly succeed." ( 宋. 歐陽修 )

• TEMPLE
  

  1. The most common word for an ancestral temple in ancient China was miào 廟, and this word refers to the royal ancestral temple as well as to the ancestral temples of feudal lords and senior officials and even ordinary shì 士 "gentlemen, freemen". The Son of Heaven had seven of these, feudal lords had five, dàfū 大夫 had three and ordinary freemen had one. Ordinary people sacrificed in the qǐn 寢 "back room (also used as bedroom)" where the altar would traditionally occupy the north-western corner.

  2. Zōng 宗 "founding ancestor of a clan" is used by synecdoche to refer to the permanent ancestral temple where he is venerated together with his deceased successors. The word has an archaic flavour.

  3. Tiāo 祧 is a technical term for a shrine, sometimes specifically a non-permanent shrine for a distant ancestor, a shrine that could be removed and replaced by a mere altar. In the common combination zōng tiā1o 宗祧 it would appear that tiāo 祧 refers to a shrine within the larger temple complex.

  4. Cí 祠 referred originally to a small temple built near a grave where the deceased were venerated, but the term came to be used more generally to refer to a private family temple where both ancesters and other divinities of all kinds were venerated. These establishments could be very large in large clans, and very small in small clans.

  5. The case of qǐn 寢 is historically very complex. Four uses of the word must be distinguished. A. Qǐn 寢 referred in Spring and Autumn times to a part of the miào 廟 attached to it at as a back-room qǐn 寢 which was a luxuriously appointed bedroom for the use of the ancestors, where these could sleep and where they were also served as if alive (although these concrete practices are first mentioned in Han sources). B. In Warring States times the qǐn 寢 was moved to the vicinity of royal tombs to serve as a place of worship. See TOMB. C. Also, the term referred to the back room behind the formal main hall in which the spirits were venerated (in private homes in the north-western corner).

• CHINESE LANGUAGE
  

  1. guānhuà 官話 "Mandarin" is obsolete, and its traditional antonym was xiāngyǔ 鄉語 "local speech".

  From Míng Dynasty times, this was a current word for the common vernacular language used by administrative staff of any kind throughout China.

  DC: 明何良俊《四友齋叢說 ‧ 史十一》： " 雅宜不喜作鄉語，每發口必官話。 "

  2. báihuà 白話 "plain speech, vernacular" (as opposed to wényán 文言 )

  This is a modern word referring to an easily accessible written version of the Chinese language. In classical contexts or early vernacular contexts the expression always seems to refer to "empty talk" rather than the vernacular language.

  3. guóyǔ 國語 "national language" (ant. wàiyǔ 外語 ) (pre-1950ies and Taiwan)

  A word that continues to be in increasing common use even in Mainland China today, and which is standard in places like Malaysia or Singapore, as well as in Taiwan.

  4. zhōngguóyǔ 中國語 "language of China" (ant. wàiguóyǔ 外國語 )

  Current Japanese way of writing the Japanese word for the Chinese language, but the expression has a long history in China, the first attested use being in Yáng Xióng's Model Sayings of the first century BC.

  5. pǔtōnghuà 普通話 "common language" (Mainland China) (ant. dìfāngyǔ 地方語, fāngyán 方言 "dialect (not in the ancient meaning)")

  This is a very common modern expression which corresponds to Greek koinē, and the word is always used in counterdistinction to (often mutually incomprehensible) dialects. The word has a rather political flair.

  6. Hànyǔ 漢語 "language of the Hàn people" (should include all dialects, but is often used otherwise)

  This is the most current word for the Chinese language as opposed to other 族語 "national languages". The word is very current in the Buddhist Tripitaka, but it is also attested elsewhere 庾信《奉和法筵應詔》： " 佛影胡人記，經文漢語翻。 ". The term is also attested in 世說新語.

  7. Zhōngguóhuà 中國話 "Chinese speech" (includes all dialects)

  This word is always used in counterdistinction to foreign languages. It has become current in international contexts in nineteenth century novels.

  8. Zhōngwén 中文 "Chinese (typically written) language" (ant. wàiwén 外文, often icludes speech: 會說中文 )

  This word is already attested in the medieval 搜神記, where it refers to the written language. In Modern Standard Chinese this is a very common way of referring to Chinese as opposed to foreign languages, and as a subject in school curricula.

  9. Huáyǔ 華語 "Chinese talk" (used mainly in Singapore, Hong Kong etc.)

  This word has a long history in Buddhist texts, and it is also already attested in 劉知幾《史通 ‧ 言語》： "... 必諱彼夷音，變成華語.

  10. Hànyīn 漢音 "Han-Chinese sounds" refers to the Chinese language in a poetic style. Sanskrit is currently referred to as 梵音.

  HD sub verbo 漢文： 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  HD: 2. 指漢語。南朝宋朱廣之《咨顧道士＜夷夏論＞》： " 想茲漢音，流入彼國。 "

  老子漢人也。

  新修科分六學僧傳 R133_p0714a04(02)║

  胡蕃國也。土地不同。則言音亦異。當其化胡成佛之際。為作漢音耶。作蕃音耶。苟以漢音。則蕃國有所不解。以蕃音。則此經之至。宜須翻譯。

  11. Hàn yán 漢言 "Hàn language, language of the Hàn Dynasty> Chinese" (ant. 胡言 or 胡語 ) is a historico-ethnographic term.

  This remained a very common way of referring to the Chinese language long after the Hàn Dynasty, as is clear from the Buddhist Tripitaka. (424 occurrences in CBETA.)

  T25n1512_p0835b29(05)║

  胡言般若波羅蜜。

  漢言智慧彼岸也

  T48n2023_p1095c25(00)║

  志曰。

  佛者。 Buddha

  漢言覺也。 is "the enlightened" in Hàn language"

  將以覺悟群生也。 He will bring enlightenment to the sentient beings.

  12. Wényán 文言 "literary Chinese" (ant. báihuà 白話 "plain vernacular") today refers to a modernised version of traditional classical Chinese, as used for example in letters. But in the Buddhist Tripitaka, for example, the phrase regularly refers to ornate Chinese, ornate formulations. Neither traditionally nor in modern times is 文言 used in counterdistinction to foreign languages: the contrast is with other varieties of Chinese.

  DC: 4. 別於白話的古漢語書面語。蔡元培《在國語傳習所的演說》： " 文言上還有例句，如 ' 爾無我詐，我無爾虞 ' 等。 "

  13. wényánwén 文言文 "literary Chinese writing" (ant. báihuàwén 白話文 ) refers to classical Chinese as it continues to be used in the introductions to books and in formal letter-writing.

  This is a twentieth century word, as far as I can see.

  14. báihuà-wén 白話文 "plain talk writing" (ant. wényánwén 文言文 ) is a term with a strong stylistic nuance.

  This is a twentieth century word.

  15. tōngyòngyǔ 通用語 "general use language".

  This is a twentieth century neologism designed to replace 普通話. The term has never achieved broad use.

  16. dàzhòngyǔ 大眾語 "mass language" is obsolete today.

  This is a politicised ideological concept stressing the universal use and popularity of the Chinese language as advocated by language politicians. It is a twentieth century political neologism.

  17. guówén 國文 "state writing" refers in a formal way to written Chinese.

  This is a twentieth century term mainly used in connection with educational politics.

  HD: 許地山《東野先生》： “ 這不是國文教科書底一課麼？ ”

  18. Hàn wén 漢文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Hàn (typically written) language"

  HD: 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  19. Zhōngguó wénzì 中國文字 "the Chinese (written) language"

  T49n2036_p0477a06(03)║　

  中國文字未通。蓋不可知也。

  R110_p0542b01(05)║

  偈語原必有韻譯以中國文字。則無可協。

  R110_p0542b09(00)║

  流入東土後。以中國文字經為尊稱。故亦稱經。

  20. Huá yán 華言 is an obsolete traditional term for Chinese that comes over 1200 times in Taisho Tripitaka.

  R150_p0541a 13(00)║

  剌麻者。乃西域之尊稱。

  譯華言為無上二字。

  R149_p0695a 12(00)║

  梵語阿修羅。亦云阿素洛。

  又云阿須倫。

  華言非天。

  R149_p0718b05(03)║

  梵語袈裟華言壞色衣。

  21. dōngtǔ Huáxiàyán 東土華夏言 "Chinese language in the eastern regions" is an ad hoc periphrastic expression which one might insist was never lexicalised, but it is perhaps worth recording just as well, if only in order to

  R059_p0119b04(00)║

  梵語。西天梵國語也。

  華言。東土華夏言也。

  譯者翻也。

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  22. Hàn'ér yányǔ 漢兒言語 "Hàn language" is a term that is current in Korean textbooks of colloquial Chinese, like the famous 老乞大 : “ 你是高麗人，卻怎麼漢兒言語說的好。 ” See also the article in 太田辰夫《漢語史通考 · 關於漢兒言語》

  23. Jìn wén 晉文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Jìn (typically written) language" is fairly rare, but clear examples are easily found:

  T50n2059_p0326c12(02)║

  還歸中夏。

  自燉煌至長安。

  沿路傳譯寫為晉文。

  24. Jìn yán 晉言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Jìn" is common indeed, but many examples can be read technically as "in Jìn this translates as". Not however in this example:

  於龜茲國金華祠。

  T14n0434_p0105ā6(01)║　

  演出此經。譯梵音為晉言。

  T33n1693_p0001ā7(01)║

  斯經似安世高譯。為晉言也。 (punctuation probably wrong!)

  25. Jìn yǔ 晉語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Jìn"

  T50n2059_p0329ā2(00)║

  手執梵文口宣晉語。

  T55n2145_p0072b24(03)║

  先誦本文。

  然後乃譯為晉語。

  26. Jìn yīn 晉音 "Jìn Dynasty speech"

  T14n0434_p0105á1(00)║

  沙門慧海者。通龜茲語。

  善解晉音。

  林復命使譯龜茲語為晉音。

  T50n2060_p0634á6(02)║

  外國語云阿耨菩提。

  晉音翻之無上大道。

  27. Qín yán 秦言 "Qín language> Chinese" is the standard way of providing Chinese translations for Sanskrit words in the Buddhist Tripitaka. (No less than 1132 examples in CBETA, but mostly formulaic, as in the following examples.)

  答曰。摩訶秦言大。 "maha is "big"in Chinese"

  T25n1509_p0383á2(03)║

  今問摩訶薩義。摩訶者秦言大。

  28. Qín yǔ 秦語 "Speech of the Qín > Chinese"

  In the Buddhist Tripitaka, this is a very formal term for Chinese, not very common. (Only 22 occurrences in CBETA)

  T26n1543_p0771b02(08)║

  梵本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千五百四言 ) 。

  秦語十九萬五千二百五十言。

  T51n2068_p0053c09(05)║

  什自手執胡經。

  口譯秦語曲從方言而趣不乖本。

  T51n2068_p0054á9(07)║

  什自執梵本口譯秦語。

  T55n2145_p0072b07(28)║

  胡本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千三百四言 ) 秦語十九萬五千二百五十言

  T55n2145_p0073c09(02)║

  胡本一萬一千七百五十二首盧長五字也。

  凡三十七萬六千六十四言也。

  秦語為十六五千九百七十五字。

  29. Táng wén 唐文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Táng (typically written) language"

  This is the standard way of referring to the written Chinese language in Buddhist texts of the Táng dynasty.

  R130_p0664b06(02)║

  以華言唐文刻釋氏經典

  T39n1797_p0803b21(10)║

  不得梵文依唐文得意亦同。

  T48n2025_p1160a24(08)║

  唐文多對偶當盡翻譯。

  T50n2060_p0614c17(05)║

  有天竺三藏大齎梵本擬譯唐文。

  R024_p0177a16(02)║　

  語精梵言。

  雖亦兼美唐文。

  乍來恐未盡善。

  30. Táng yán 唐言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Táng".

  1523 occurrences in CBETA. Occasionally, one wonders whether this does refer to Táng time Chinese whereas Hànyīn 漢音 does not:

  T20n1177Ap0724c02(01)║

  遂將得舊翻譯唐言漢音經本在寺。

  31. Táng yǔ 唐語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Táng"

  A fairly rare way of referring to the Chinese language in Táng Buddhist texts. (Only 18 occurrences in CBETA)

  R014_p0563a14(02)║

  印度罽賓皆未詳唐語。

  R036_p0985a16(18)║　　　　

  又多兩重怗文當知初依梵文後釋唐語

  T30n1579_p0283c07(05)║

  三藏法師玄奘。

  敬執梵文譯為唐語。

  32. Táng yīn 唐音 "Táng speech" is a regular expression for Táng Dynasty Chinese in the Buddhist Tripitaka.

  R036_p0584b13600)

  梵語本是兩名唐音無以甄別

  R066_p0717b08(01)║

  此偈乃是梵語訛言。

  傳者將為唐音正字。

  33. Tánghuà 唐話 "Táng talk" is a current Cantonese term for Chinese, and the famous intellectual 許地山 writes: 他說的雖是唐話，但是語格和腔調全是不對的。 But in this phrase, I am instructed by my teacher and friend Jiǎng Shàoyú, Táng refers not to the dynasty but to 唐山.

  34. Dà Táng yǔ 大唐語 "Speech of the Great Táng Dynasty" is rarely attested, but the word does exist:

  R150_p1055b17(00)║

  若僧雖是新羅人。却會大唐語。 Monk Ruò was a person from Xīnluó, but he spoke the language of the Great Táng Dynasty.

  35. Hàn 漢 is an abbreviation for Hànyǔ 漢語 currently used in Buddhist translation theory, but the word is not in itself a term for the Chinese language outside such technical contexts.

  T21n1293_p0378c15(02)║　

  翻梵為漢 Translate the Sanskrit into Chinese.

  R068_p0353b05(05)║

  梵是天竺之言。

  漢是此土之語。

  R133_p0623b09(07)║

  序以條列梵漢旨義。

  R005_p0007b03(02)║

  翻譯之家自有規准。 The specialists in translation have their own standards.

  若名梵漢共有。 If a term exists both in Sanskrit and in Chinese

  則敵對而翻。 than they just match the terms up in translation.

  36. Táng 唐 "language of the Táng Dynsasty.

  梵唐

  T54n2133Ap1196b12(02)║　

  一曰義淨撰梵語千字文。

  或名梵唐千字文。

  T55n2176_p1118a01(00)║　

  梵唐對譯阿彌陀經一卷 ( 仁 )

  This is the same as 梵唐語：

  T55n2176_p1118b20(00)║　

  梵唐語對註譯大佛頂真言一卷

  T55n2176_p1119c19(18)║

  梵唐對譯法花二十八品

  T55n2176_p1120a05(00)║　

  梵唐對譯金剛般若經二卷

  T55n2176_p1131a06(00)║　

  梵唐文字一卷

  37. Jìn 晉 "the language of the Jìn Dynasty.

  The term is rarely used to refer directly to the language, unlike the common Táng 唐. But examples do exist:

  T55n2157_p0795c08(08)║

  既學兼梵晉故譯義精允。

  38. nèidìhuà 內地話 refers to the language spoken on the Mainland, and the word is mostly used on Taiwan. This term represents an outsider's view on the Chinese language. (2.9 million hits in Google! This important word was brought to my attention by Jens Østergaard Petersen.)

  39. shénzhōu yǔ 神州語 "the language of our divine land" is quaint, nationalistically sentimental, and a rare way of referring to the Chinese language.

  beijing.kijiji.cn/á1221463.html:

  心中一暖，想到他居然會說神州語，正要說些甚麼，但一開口，嘴部動作牽動喉嚨，...

  40. zúyǔ 族語 "the national language (of the Chinese) is a borderline case because the term refers to national languages in general, and only by extension to Chinese in particular.

  42. Hàn dì zhī yán 漢地之言 "language of the Ha4n territory" is a marginal periphrastic expression which one should probably not regard as a lexicalised item. One could study such periphrastic expressions separately from the lexicalised vocabulary.

  R059_p0119b06(06)║

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  [43. jīngpiànzi 京片子 "Chinese as spoken in Peking" is a borderline case because it does refer to Peking speech, but not insofar as it is the standard for the whole of China. Colloquial examples of this sort could be multiplied...]

• BELT
  

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/VULGAR]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [INFORMAL/OFFICIAL]

  [POETIC/PROSAIC]

  [IDIOM/WORD]

  1. The current general word is dài 帶 which refers to any belt worn on the hip, and this belt may be of leather, silk or any other fabric. Note that dài 帶 alone is often used to refer to shēn 紳.

  [GENERAL], [PROSAIC]; [[COMMON]]

  2. Shēn 紳 is always broad, and made of silk. It hangs prominently visible from behind, and typically has suspended from it by a leather strap an official seal. This belt was a sign of status until Sui times, when it gradually came to be used more generally by everyone.

  [OFFICIAL], [PROSAIC]

  3. Dà dài 大帶 is a late Warring States term for the shēn 紳 "official belt".

  [IDIOM], [OFFICIAL], [PROSAIC]

  4. Shòu 綬 was the most current word for the shēn 紳 from Han times onwards. At this time the colour of the belt began to be used as an indication of the status of the wearer. From Sui times onwards, the use of shòu 綬 was discontinued.

  [OFFICIAL], [PROSAIC]

  5. Fú 紱 is a rare word for a coloured belt indicating status, used in Han times.

  [ELEVATED], [OFFICIAL]; [[RARE]]

  6. Xiāng 纕 is a rare poetic word for a belt used in CC.

  [ELEVATED], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  7. Dié 絰 refers specifically to the hempen belt worn in mourning. See GARMENT FOR MOURNING

  [PROSAIC], [SPECIALISED]

  8. Zǔ 組 refers, in Han times, to a silk sash or belt with pendants attached, as a symbol of one's official status.

  [OFFICIAL], [PROSAIC]

• YOU
  

  1. The current general second person pronouns are rǔ 汝 in informal contexts, and in polite contexts zǐ 子.

  2. The current informal pronoun is rǔ 汝, and this word is commonly used in imperatives.

  <div>3. Ěr 爾 is another informal second person pronoun, and the word is not generally used in imperatives.</div><div><br></div><div>4. Ruò 若 is a poetic/archaising second person pronoun that went out of current use in Tang (待考）times. </div><div><br></div><div>5. Jūn 君 addresses superiors as well as equals formally, and politely.</div><div><br></div><div>6. Qīng 卿 is probably stylistically colloquial and addresses inferiors informally.</div><div><br></div><div>7. Dà wáng 大王 is the polite formal address to any king, small or powerful. </div><div><br></div><div>8. Wú zǐ 吾子, extremely common in the Zuozhuan, is respectful and honorific, but in a communicativ and sometimes even intimate mode: ·鄭玄注："吾子，相貌之辞。<br></div><br>

• THIEF
  

  1. The standard word for a professional or at least specialised thief is dào 盜. Dà dào 大盜 is a notorious professional thief, jù dào 巨盜 is a professional large scale robber.

  2. Zéi 賊 refers to a bandit or a villain who can be hired to commit crimes, and his villainy often consists in hired murder. It may or may not consist in robbery. See VILLAIN.

  3. Qiè 竊 is occasionally used to refer to a petty thief.

• OFFICIAL
  

  1. Officials are referred to as shì 士 and daì fū 大夫. The word shì 士 can also include daì fū 大夫, therefore the term is often used for a whole body of officials.

  2. Dà fū 大夫 "notables" is a general formal term for high officials.

  3. Lì 吏 refers to officials in charge of concrete practical matters, often policing and the like.

  4. Gōng 工 can be used as a general term for clerks.

  5. Yǒu sī 有司 can refer to a person in charge of an office.

  6. Guān 官 refers quite generally to the persons in charge of an office.

  7. Shì zhě 仕者 refers to any person in public employment of any kind.

  8. Lǎo 老 originally politely referred to higher officials (>gōng 公, >qīng 卿, >dài fū 大夫 ), therefore it came to be used as a general term referring to high officials.

  9. Yuán 員 originally refers to officials as counted units, and the word came to be used as a general term for officials.

• UNIMPORTANT
  

  1. The current general term for unimportance is qīng 輕 (ant. zhòng 重 "important").

  2. Mò 末 (ant. běn 本 "basic and important")) refers to something being marginal as opposed to other things that are central or crucial.

  3. Xì 細 (ant. jù 巨 "of tremendous importance") and wēi 微 (ant. dà 大 "of great importance") refer to things being trifling and without serious impact on a situation.

  4. Huǎn 緩 (ant. jí 急 "urgent and important") refers to something being less important because it is less urgent.

  5. Xiǎo 小 (ant. dà 大 "of great importance") is sometimes used as a colourless term denying the importance of something.

• SMALL
  

  1. The dominant quite general word is xiǎo 小 (ant. dà 大 "big"), and this word refers to both physical size and abstract importance.

  2. Miǎo 眇 / 渺 and mǐ 靡 (ant. páng 龐 "big") refers to extremely small size of something.

  3. Xì 細 (ant. jù 巨 "enormous") is sometimes used to refer to something being small or of slight importance. See TENUOUS

  NB: ǎi 矮 "not tall, of slight height, of low build" is post-Buddhist late colloquial.

• BIG
  

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/FAMILIAR]

  [+FIG/LITERAL]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [HIGH-DEGREE/LOW-DEGREE]

  [HORIZONTAL/VERTICAL]

  1. The general word is dà 大 (ant. xiǎo 小 "small").

  [GENERAL]; [[COMMON]]

  2. Jù 巨 "huge" (ant. xì 細 "slight") indicates a higher degree of size.

  [HIGH-DEGREE+], [LITERAL], [VERTICAL]

  3. Kuí 魁 and páng 龐 (ant. wēi 微 "small and slight"), both rare, add to the notion of vertical size that of impressiveness.

  [+FIG], [HIGH-DEGREE], [VERTICAL]; [[RARE]]

  4. Hóng 洪 refers to the size of water masses, and the word is often used in metaphorical senses.

  [ELEVATED], [+FIG], [HORIZONTAL]

  5. Hào 昊 refers to the vastness of the sky, as a poetic elevated epithet (sometimes perhaps confused by scribes with 旻 ).

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [+FIG], [HORIZONTAL]

  6. Jù 巨 "huge" (ant. xì 細 "slight") indicates a very high degree of size.

• BEAUTIFUL
  

  [ABSOLUTE/GRADED]

  [ACOUSTIC/VISUAL]

  [ARTIFICIAL/NATURAL]

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/VULGAR]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [HUMAN/NON-HUMAN]

  [POETIC/PROSAIC]

  1. The general word is měi 美 "handsome and admirable" (ant. è 惡 "ugly") which refers to anything concrete or abstract which is attractive or handsome in a dignified way, and the word often retains its primary culinary sense of "tasty".

  [GENERAL], [GRADED]; [[COMMON]]

  2. Lì 麗 (ant. sù 素 "unaodorned") is often restricted to physical objects, prototypically to clothes, and emphasises their balanced symmetric beauty, occasionally also - by analogy - the well-aligned symmetric beauty of mountains.

  [ELEVATED], [NON-HUMAN], [VISUAL!]

  3. Wén 文 (ant. zhì 質 "merely material") emphasises cultivated external as well as internal elegance as well as traditionalism.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED], [NON-HUMAN], [VISUAL!]

  4. Yǎ 雅 (ant. sú 俗 "vulgar") emphasises primarily external elevated elegance.

  [ACOUSTIC!], [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED+], [NON-HUMAN]

  5. Hǎo 好 "comely, handsome" (ant. chǒu 醜 "ugly") refers indiscriminately to men and women, but the word is sometimes more general and even abstract in application and refers to attractive words or attractive moral qualities.

  [HUMAN!], [NATURAL], [VISUAL]

  6. Xiù 秀 "of vigorous and imposing beauty" focusses on flourishing and flamboyant beauty in analogy with that of flowers.

  [ELEVATED], [NATURAL], [NON-HUMAN], [POETIC], [VISUAL]; [[RARE]]

  7. Huá 華 "of striking and colourful beauty" (ant. sú 俗 "vulgar") focusses on flourishing and flamboyant superficial or only apparent beauty, on the analogy analogy with that of flowers.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED], NON-HUMAN], [SUPERFICIAL], [VISUAL]

  8. Zhuàng 壯 "stately" (ant. ruò 弱 "weak and unsightly") is virile beauty associated with strength and vigour. See STRONG

  [NATURAL], [MARGINAL], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  9. Jiā 佳 "of outstanding beauty" (NB: liè 劣 "unremarkable" is the ant. of jiā 佳 "outstanding", and not in the meaning of "outstandingly beautiful") emphasises comparative beauty compared to others in the same group.

  [GRADED], [ELEVATED], [NATURAL], [POETIC]

  10. Dū 都 "urbane and exquisitely beautiful" (ant. bì 鄙 "rustic and inelegant") is a highly poetic word that can only be used in elevated prose.

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [POETIC], [VISUAL]; [[RARE]]

  11. Yán 妍 "attractive and exquisite (of humans as well as human products)" (ant. chì 蚩 "unattractive") refers to elaborate beauty. See SEXY.

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [HUMAN], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  12. Xiū 脩 / 修 "refined moral beauty" refers to moral as well as physical beauty, thus coming close the Greek kalokagathia, but never approaching the latter in importance as a cultural keyword.

  <div>[ELEVATED], [ARTIFICIAL]; [[RARE]]</div><div><br></div><div>吳蓬，東方審美詞彙集萃，上海文藝出版社，2002 lists the following rough definitions of a variety of terms of aesthetic appreciation by the artist and scholar Wu Peng. Many of these terms express conventional appreciative flattery only. This list does provide one not particularly well-known artist's subjective readings of some basic terms of traditional Chinese aesthetic approbation.</div><div>勃：富有生机之突起。<br>苍：浓的，毛的，老练的。<br>沉：沉着不浮，有重量感。<br>冲：调成和淡之意向。<br>饬：整顿。<br>粗：大而不笨者。<br>淳：清，往往易薄，然而淳是清中滋润之厚。<br>醇：与淳略同，这醇是提炼后的滋润之厚。<br>绰：与"约"字合用，即舒而不纵之意。<br>澹：平静而有幽淡之趣。<br>淡：与浓艳相对。<br>宕：放荡不拘。<br>跌：往往与"宕"字合用，即是起伏明显之状。<br>端：方正而不出偏，有稳实感。<br>敦：很实在的，结实的厚。<br>繁：众而密，有生气。<br>方：与平正同义。<br>丰：饱满而充足。<br>风：审美中之"风"指的是一种气韵格调。<br>飞：大幅度的流动。<br>刚：属于阳性的，有正力的，与柔软相对。</div><div>高：俯视一切的、超然得不一般。<br>工：规矩，不潦草。<br>孤：自我独立。<br>古：旧气，更有历史的抗怀千载之迹象。<br>骨：内在的架子。<br>犷：是跟"雄悍"接近，在粗中发展开来。<br>瑰：不单调的美。<br>乖：不和顺。<br>憨：近于拙朴而敦实。<br>酣：厚润四溢。<br>豪：激动向上之貌，有气魄。<br>宏：大而有气度。<br>厚：有沉积的饱和。<br>华：明亮而艳丽。<br>环：长久圆融之境。<br>荒：与"枯简"接近，不修饰。<br>豁：与开朗接近，然比开朗明显。<br>恢：宽广有余。<br>浑：团然一气之象，有朦胧感。<br>简：经过一番整修的减少。<br>娇：美得可爱。<br>警：审美中用此警字，往往指敏锐、颖达。<br></div><div>劲：能察觉的力。<br>精：很到位。<br>隽：精致而具内涵之美。<br>娟：秀而婉丽。<br>崛：高起而突出。<br>俊：人材杰曲之美。<br>峻：山高而陡。在书画中是浓而锋利之用笔。<br>空：有灵气之空白。<br>枯：干而毛，生的萎缩，然亦是力的显露。<br>宽：大度而畅朗。<br>旷：广阔而空灵。<br>辣：是枯毛爽直的老笔触。<br>朗：明亮而豁然。<br>琅：圆而光润。<br>伦：是同类之意，带有文明意念。<br>冷：跟"淡"与"静”接近，与浓烈相对。<br>炼：精到而有功力。<br>淋：与"漓”往往合用，是无拘束的洒落。<br>流：明显的动感。<br>迈：阔而放的超势。<br>莽：宽广而繁密的，朴直奔放的。<br>袤：与"古"字合用，即悠长久远之趣。<br>茂：有生气的繁密。<br>媚：柔美之趣。<br>宓：安而静。<br>明：清晰有亮度。<br>凝：浓重而不流动。<br>懦：毫无火气之柔软。<br>平：一般的，接近于稳。<br>朴：原始状态，形象较准。<br>嫖：与"姚"字合用，即动疾之状，而有气势。<br>奇：不一般。<br>气：生发的，迎面直扑而来的感觉。<br>清：是混的相对。其间透出一股朗气。<br>峭：山之直而险，在书画中是露锋的侧锋用笔，有明显露<br>尖状态。文章中之峭，是意气直逼。<br>遒：婉转有致，内力强劲。<br>虬：与遒类似，但动感较强，弯曲而有力度。<br>意：诚实谨慎。<br>儒：代表文人之书卷气。<br>洒：散落无拘束。<br>赡：富有与丰实。若与"疏”、"逸”组合即成"澹”或"安"之义。</div><div>骚：审美中之骚字，可引伸为风骚至风流感。<br>韶：美丽有光泽。<br>涩：在不爽快的进程中，流露出内力之美。<br>深：不是浮面的。<br>神：精与气合。高端的。<br>生：不成熟，但比成熟有味。<br>肆：任意放纵。<br>松：松是灵活自然，是一切技巧之本要。<br>瘦：与粗笨相对，在审美中的"瘦"，是指细长而精练。<br>疏：一种稀少秀朗之美。<br>肃：有立即静穆下来之势。<br>率：与潦草随便有别，爽快而直接。<br>邃：深远而悠久。<br>阅：通达之意。<br>给：与"宕"合用，是安详舒放之趣。<br>天:很自然，一片天箱之"天"。<br>恬：安静而坦然。<br>挺：直而有生气。<br>婉：柔和而曲折。<br>温：是一种暖调与缓和的综合。</div><div>巍：往往与"峨"合用，是高大厚实之趣。<br>洗：与"炼”合用，即是"精炼"之意，凡物之洁出于洗。<br>犀：与"利"字合用，即坚利。<br>熙：光明，和乐。<br>细：指细而不纤。<br>娴：文静而雅致。<br>闲：一种高雅的自由。<br>萧：疏少有致。<br>潇：散朗而润泽。<br>馨：很醇厚的香气。<br>篁："篁古”是悠远辽阔之意。<br>雄：强大，有力度，有霸气。<br>秀：灵巧的，有生气的，美好的显露。<br>虚：表象空，但并非真空。<br>雅：文气而不俗。<br>妍：鲜美而柔性。<br>严：认真，不马虎。<br>淹：一种浸沉与精深明达之境。<br>野：超脱、不规范。<br>冶：经过一番精致修饰。<br>逸：悠闲的起伏。</div><div>意：精神倾向。<br>莹：透明而幽亮。<br>雍：往往与“容"字合用，有和顺之貌。<br>幽：静而深。<br>腴：肥润而饱和。<br>郁：厚积而有生气。<br>纤：与"迥"字合用，即弯环回绕之趣。<br>遹：与"瑰"字合用，即纤迥美丽之趣。<br>渊：往往与"懿"合用，是深润而悠美之趣。<br>圆：接近于饱满润滑。<br>蕴：与"藉"合用，即内涵丰富。<br>韵：一种余味不尽之趣。<br>恣：放纵的，无拘束的。<br>滋：湿润感。<br>自：出于本性的流露。<br>质：本体的，实在的。<br>纵：放逸无拘之状。<br>拙：接近朴，形不准。<br>庄：端正之貌。<br>卓：与“荤"合用，是突出明显之状。<br></div><div><br></div><br>

• MONEY
  

  1. Probably the most current term for money is qián 錢, but the word became current only in Han times. The word originally referred to the agricultural implement similar to or identical with bù 布 (see below). In the Warring States period, the term was together with bù 布 used for spade-like coins. Later, it began to refer to round money casted by the Qin dynasty, and in Han times it became a current general word for money.

  2. Bì 幣 referred originally to the silk which could be used for sacrifice or as a gift. In the Warring States period, the term refer to precious things (jades, horses) often used as a gift. In Han times, the word was used like a general term for money.

  3. Dāo bù 刀布 could be used like a general term for money in the Warring States period.

  4. Bù 布 refers to the bronze coins cast in the shape of bù 布 (spade-like implement in ancient China). The earliest exemplars (of remarkably large size and with hollow handle) are known from the states of Jin and Zhou and dates from the end of the sixth century B.C.. During the following Warring States period, this type of coin (usually with a flat handle) was in use particularly in the states of Wei, Han and Zhao, but also in Chu. The coins were usually inscribed with the name of a state or city where they were cast. After Qin unification, bù 布 came out of use, but they were revived for a short time during the reign of the Wang Mang's Xin dynasty.

  5. Dāo 刀 refers to the bronze knife-like coins. They came into use slightly later than bù 布 coins, and were cast particularly in the eastern states of Yan, Qi, but also Zhao. Some exemplars survived till the early Han dynasty; later, shape-like coins were revived for two years (7 - 9 A.D.) by Wang Mang. These knife-like coins from the end of the Western Han dynasty were called cuò dāo 錯刀.

  6. Bèi 貝 originally referred to the cauri shells which were in Shang and Western Zhou times used like primitive money or like a gift. For this purpose, they were joined to péng 朋, consisting of two strings of shells, five pieces each. In the Warring States period, the word also referred to the bronze coins in the shape of cauri which were in use in the state of Chu.

  7. Huán 圜 refers to the round coin with a square hole in a centre which was cast by the states of Qin and Zhou. After Qin unification, it became general currency for a whole empire.

  8. Yuán 爰 refers to the rectangular pieces of gold which were used like money in the state of Chu. It is the earliest golden currency in China.

  9. Bàn liǎng 半兩 refers to the round coin with a central square hole which was for the first time cast by the state of Qin in the late Warring States period and which was then in use till the second half of the second century B.C.. The coin should weight half of liǎng 兩 (i.e. 12 zhū 銖 ), and this weight was recorded in an inscription on the coin; hence the name. In fact, coins of this type known from Qin and early Han times are of very various height; in early Han times, most current were coins weighting four zhu 銖.

  10. Wǔ zhū 五銖 refers to a round coin with a square hole weighting five zhū 銖 which was for the first time cast under Emperor Wudi in 118 B.C. and was then in use during the whole Han dynasty (with a short break about the time of Wang Mang's reign).

  11. Mǎ tí 馬蹄, lù tí 鹿蹄, huán tí 圜蹄, and lín zhǐ 麟趾 are various terms referring to the pieces of gold formed into the shape of horse's, deer's, or qí lín's 麒麟 hoof. This kind of currency was in use under the Han dynasty.

  12. Dà quán 大泉, xiǎo quán 小泉, zhuāng quán 壯泉, xuán quán 玄泉 are all round coins of various size dating from Wang Mang's reign.

  13. Pí bì 皮幣 refers to the money made of deer skin which were in use in the reign of Emperor Wudi (141 - 87 B.C.).

• STATE
  

  1. The dominant word is guó 國, and the word naturally focusses on the capital which defines the identity of the state, but from Warring States times the word does refer to the whole of the territory, as the term guó xiāo 國削 "the state was truncated" shows.

  2. Bāng 邦 is an area-orientated old word referring to an extended state (see the early 大邦 ) without emphasising the leading role of a capital in that state, and the word was increasingly replaced by guó 國 even before taboo rules related to the name of Liú Bāng had their impact.

  3. Tǔ 土 refers to territory as such, and occasionally comes to refer to the territory of a certain state, including one's own.

  4. Fāng 方 refers to a region other than one's own state, and note particularly the old phrase 方國.

  5. Tiān xià 天下 refers to the inhabited earth construed as dominated by the emperor or Son of Heaven, but by extension the expression also refers collectively to the the central states governed by the zhū hóu 諸侯. (NOTE THAT THE EMPIRE OF CHINA WAS NOT REGARDED AS A STATE.)

  6. Guó jiā 國家 refers to the nation as a social institution dominated by a certain clan. See NATION.

  7. Yì 邑 "capital" occasionally comes to refer to the state dominated by a certain city, its capital.

• PUNISH
  

  1. The general word for punishment is wú xíng 五刑, traditionally in SHU, LYUXING listed as "dà pí 大辟 "decapitation", yuè 刖 "mutilation of foot", yì 劓, gōng 宮 "castration", mò 墨 "branding". The list varied through time and is different in different sources.

  2. Xíng 刑 refers specifically to physical punishment.

  3. Fá 罰 refers to non-physical forms of punishment including typically fines. See FINE

  4. Yù 獄 can be used to refer to any kind of punitive action taken against criminals.

  5. Fǎ 法 can occasionally be used, mainly in early texts, to refer not to criminal law but to the application of such laws to criminals.

  6. Zuò 坐 refers to a condemned person being held responsible for a criminal act and being punished. See CONDEMN

  7. Tǎo 討 is a moralistic term referring to a momentous act of punishment in the name of justice, and the meaning often vascillates between ATTACK and PUNISH, when the reference is a punitive attack. See ATTACK

• SLAVE
  

  1. The standard general word for a dependent low-status servant or slave is nú 奴, and this word became quite currrent in Han times.

  2. Yì 役 tends to focus on the hard labour involved.

  3. Lǔ 虜 focusses prototypically on the prisoner-origins of a slave.

  4. Lì 隸 refers to slaves in an administrative bureaucratic way, and prototypically these menial workers are in public employment, being thus of higher status than mere shepherds or stable-boys in the countryside.

  5. Zānghuò 臧獲 is the standard exampe of the name of a slave.

  Slavery and servant-hood not always easy to distinguish, and this is for very interesting social reasons. A scheme for the place of menials in the status system is systematised in a crucial ZUO Zhao 7 passage:

  故王臣公，公臣大夫，大夫臣士，士臣皁，皁臣輿，輿臣隸，隸臣僚，僚臣僕，僕臣臺。

  馬有圉，牛有牧，

• SIZE
  

  1. The abstract notion of size is standardly expressed by dà xiǎo 大小.

  2. Cháng duǎn 長短 refers to relative length.

• LOUD
  

  1. There is no word dedicated to the loudness of sound, the current way of expressing this meaning is to use dà 大 "large".

• ANGER
  

  [IMPERSONAL/PERSONAL]

  [INTENSE/WEAK]

  [COVERT/OVERT]

  [LASTING/TRANSITORY]

  See also ANGUISH

  1. Nù 怒 (ant. xǐ 喜 "be delighted") is the general word for anger, and the word tends to imply overt manifestation of feelings of anger, typically in terms of altered breathing patterns. (cf. nù 怒 "to puff oneself up")

  [OVERT], [PERSONAL]

  2. Fèn 忿 (ant. yuè 說／悅 "feel not the slightest anger but on the contrary feel pleased") refers to momentary and intense anger, and it does not typically focus on an show of emotion. There is a difference of degree between nù 怒 "show (often great) anger ( 怒甚, 大怒 ) and fèn 忿 "be momentarily angry" (there is no dà fèn 大忿, fèn shèn 忿甚 ). Nù 怒 forms vtS, whereas fèn 忿 does not have that function.

  [INTENSE], [MOMENTARY], [PERSONAL]

  3. Yùn 慍 (ant. yì 懌 "feel perfectly pleased with something") is lingering indignation which may or may not be overt. See ANGUISH

  [IMPERSONAL], [LASTING], [OVERT]

  4. Fèn 憤 "pent-up anguish" is intense dissatisfaction and anguish rather than an angry attitude directed against any person. See ANGUISH

  [COVERT], [IMPERSONAL], [LASTING]

  5. Huì 恚 is a general word for anger that is remarkably frequent in collocation with near-synonyms.

• INTENSELY
  

  1. The current general word referring to high degree of something or intensity of the application of a predicate is shèn 甚 (ant.* post-Buddhist (NANBEICHAO) lŸè 略 "slightly").

  2. Yǐ 已 and dà 大 refer to an extreme degree. See also EXCESSIVE

  3. Zhì 至 and jí 極 refers to the ultimate or extreme high degree of something, but the meaning of jí 極 was weakened by Han times times to something like the general meaning of shèn 甚.

  4. Zuì 最 refers to the largest degree or highest intensity within a given set compared. See MOST.

  5. Jìng 勁 and jí 疾 add the notion of vigour to that of intensity of degree.

  6. Hòu 厚 typically refers to a high degree or high intensity of something positive.

  7. Zhòng 重 freely refers to an impressive intensity beyond expectation of both positive or negative qualities or actions.

  8. Tòng 痛 refers specifically to a high degree of feelings or emotions.

• MOUNTAINS
  

  8. Qí shān 岐山 is located in the northeast of the modern Qishan district, Shaanxi province. It was also called Tiān zhǔ shān 天柱山 Fēnghuángduī4 風凰堆. Ancient Zhou centers were located close to this mountain. For this reason, Qí shān 岐山 is mentioned already in the Shijing.

  9. Qíliánshān 祁連山 is another name for Tiānshān 天山. This mountain range is located in the southern and western part of the modern Xinjiang. It is divided into two groups - the northern in the central Xinjiang, and the southern in the southern Xinjiang. The former is identical with the modern Tiānshān 天山, the latter includes modern Kūnlúnshān 昆侖山, A3ěrjīnshān 阿爾金, and Qíliánshān 祁連山.These mountains are already mentioned in the Shiji, Xiongnu liezhuan.

  10. D4àyǔlíng 大庾岭 refers to the mountains on the borders of the modern Jiangxi and Guangdong.

  11. Yīnshān 陰山 refers to the mountains in the central part of the modern Inner Mongolia. Mentioned already in the Shiji.

  12. Qínlíng 秦岭 is a mountain range dividing the northern and southern parts of China. It is also a water-shed dividing the drainage areas of the Weì 渭, Huái 淮, and Hàn 漢 rivers. It spreads from the borders of the Qinghai and Gansu to the central part of Henan. This range includes important mountains, such as Mínshān 岷山, Huàshān 華山, and Sǒngshān 嵩山. Qínlíng 秦岭 in the narrow sense refers to the part of the range in the modern Shaanxi.

  13. Yānshān 燕山 refers to the mountains on the northern edge of the Hebei plains.

  14. Wǔyíshān 武夷山 is the name of the mountains on the borders of the modern Jiangxi and Fujian provinces. The earliest references I have found are post-Han.

  15. Taìhéngshān 太行山 refers to the mountain range on the borders of the modern Henan, Shanxi, and Hebei. In the south, it reaches to the Huanghe. The name already occurs in the texts of the Warring States period [YUGONG chapter in the SHANGSHU].

  16. Kūnlúnshān 昆侖山 is the name of the mountains on the borders of the modern Xinjiang and Tibet. It runs from the east to the west in the length of 2500 km. It is already referred to in the texts of the Warring states and Han periods [SHANHAIJING, HUAINANZI, MU TIANZI ZHUAN].

  17. Tiānshān 天山 are mountains in the central part of the modern Xinjiang. The name already occurs in the SHANHAIJING and HANSHU.

  18. Jǐuzǐshān 九子山 is an ancient name of the Jiǔhuáshān 九華山 in the modern Qingyang county of the Anhui province. The latter name was in use since the Tang.

  19. Dàbāshān 大巴山 refers to the mountains on the borders of the modern Sichuan, Gansu, Shaanxi, and Hubei.

  20. Yàndàngshān 雁蕩山 are the mountains in the southeastern part of the modern Zhejiang province.

  21. Wūshān 巫山 is located on the borders of the modern Sichuan and Hubei. The Changjiang flows through its central part, creating famous Three gorges.

  22. Jūnshān 君山 is the mountain in the center of the Dongting lake, modern Hunan province. Also called Dòngtíngshān 洞庭山.

  23. Běimáng 北邙 is the mountain range in the modern Henan. Also called Mángshān 芒山, Běishān 北山.It runs from Sanmenxia in the West to the bank of the Yīluò river in the East. Since the Eastern Han, princes and high officers were buried on its slopes north to the Luoyang.

  24. Běigùshān 北固山 is the mountain in the northeastern part of the modern city of Zhenjiang, Jiangsu province.

  25. Wúshān 吳山 is name of the three important mountains.

  a. In the north of the Pinglu county, Shanxi province. According to HOUHANSHU, on the peak of it, there there was located the city of Yǔ 麌.

  b. To the south-east of the Xihu lake in the Hangzhou city, Zhejiang province. In the Chunqiu period, it was the western border of the state of Wú, hence the name.

  c. In the southwestern part of the Long county, Shaanxi province. According to ERYA, it was one of the Five sacred mountains, 五岳.

  26. Dìngjūnshān 定軍山 is located in the southeatern part of the modern Mian county, Shaanxi province. In 219 A.D., near these mountains, army of Liu Bei defeated one of the Cao Caos generals.

  27. Fúniúshān 伏牛山 is ancient name for the Jīnshān 金山, northwest to the modern city of Zhenjiang in the Jiangsu province. The latter name came to be used in the Tang. Also called Huófú 獲箙, Fúyù 浮玉 mountains.　

  28. Jiāoshān 焦山 is located to the northeast of the modern city of Zhenjiang, Jiangsu province.

  29. Tài sh1an 泰山 is the most important of the Five sacred mountains. It was also called Dōngyuè 東岳, Daìzōng 岱宗, Daìshān 岱山, Daìyuè 岱岳, Taìyuè 泰岳. It is located in the central part of the modern Shandong province. The mountain range runs from the eastern margin of the Dōngpíng 東平 lake in the northwestern direction to the modern Linbo city. It is about 200 km long. Since antiquity, Chinese rulers sacrificed on the Tài sh1an. The earliest evidence is in SHIJING.

  30. Huàshān 華山 is the westernmost of the Five sacred peaks, henceforth it was also called Xīyuè 西岳. It is located in the southern part of the modern Yin county, Shaanxi province. Its height is 1997 m.

  31. Héng shān �琱 sis the northernmost of the Five sacred peaks, henceforth it was also called Běiyuè 北岳.From the Han to the Ming, the sacred Héng shān �琱 swas located in the northwestern part of the modern Quyang county of the Hebei province.

  32. Héng shān 衡山 is the southernmost of the Five sacred mountains, and is also called Nányuè 南岳. It is located in the modern Hengshan county in the Hunan province, and is 1290 m high, and several hundred km long. It is refered to already in SHANGSHU, SHUN DIAN.　

  33. Sōng shān 嵩山 is the central of the Five sacred peaks, and it was also called Sōngyuè 嵩岳. It belongs to the Fúniúshān 伏牛山 mountain range, and is located in the modern Dengfeng county in the Henan province. It is already mentioned in the SHIJING.

  34. Niúzhǔshān 牛渚山 is the name of the mountains on the bank of the Changjiang in the northwestern part of the modern Dangtu county, Anhui province.

  35. Bāgōngshān 八公山 are the mountains in the western part of the modern city of Huainan, Anhui province. It is located west of the Féishuǐ 淝水, and south of the Huáishǔi 淮水. In 383 A.D. famous battle of Feishui took place close to this mountain.

  36. Jiǔyíshān 九疑山, also called Cāngyǔshān 蒼木吾山, are the mountains in the modern Ningyuan county in the Hunan province. According to the Shiji, the sage emperor Shun died and was buried there.

  37. Chìchéngshān 赤城山 are the mountains in the northwestern part of the modern Tiantai, Zhejiang province. First mentioned in the Jin dynasty.

  38. Lúshān 盧山 are the mountains in the southern part of the modern Jiujiang town, Jiangxi province. Also called Kuāngshān 匡山, Kuānglú 匡盧, Nánzhàng4shān 南障山. The name is already mentioned in the Han times. It is said that both Emperor Yu and First emperor climbed the mountains when travelling to the South.

  39. Sh3ouyángshān 首陽山 are the mountains in the southern part of the modern Yongji county, Shanxi province. According to the tradition (for the first time mentioned in the LUNYU), it was in these mountains, where Boyi and Shuqi lived in hermitage. The mountains are already referred to in the SHIJING.

  40. E2méishān 峨嵋山 is the name of the mountains in the southwestern part of the modern Emei county, Sichuan province. It is already mentioned in the HUAYANG GUOZHI of the Jin dynasty. It belongs to the four famous mountains of buddhism.

  41. Qīngchéngshān 青城山 are the mountains in the southwestern part of the modern Guan county, Sichuan province. According to the tradition, it was there where in the Han times Zhang Daoling practiced dao.

  42. Luófúshān 羅浮山 are the mountains on the north bank of the Dōngjiāng 東江 river in the modern Guangdong province. According to the tradition, during the Eastern Jin dynasty, Ge Hong practiced dao there.

• GATE
  

  1. The current general word for a gate or door of any kind is mén 門, but the word also refers specifically to the two-leaf main gate rather than small doors inside a building complex.

  2. Fēi 扉 refers to a main gate which has only one leaf or to the leaf of a gate.

  3. Hé 闔 refers generally to the wing of a door. Specifically - according to the Zheng's commentary to the LIJI - the word refers to the wooden wing.

  4. Wéi 闈 (ant. dà mén 大門 ) refers to the minor gates to a compound or palace.

  5. Lu �閭 refers to a gate of a neighbourhood or a village.

  6. Hàn 閈 is another term for the gate of a village.

  7. Yán 閻 refers to the gate inside a village or neighbourhood; it also refers to the small street in a village.

  8. Hóng 閎 originally perhaps referred to the street gate inside a palace (??), but it can be also used as the general term for a gate.

  9. Tà 闥 refers to a small door and also to the space inside the door.

• EXECUTE
  

  1. The current general term for legal execution of a person condemned to death is zhū 誅.

  2. Lù 戮 refers to public and often even summary execution.

  3. Sì 肆 and xùn 徇 refer to public execution followed by exposure of the body to public view, with the focus on the latter.

  4. Zú 族 refers to legal execution of the whole clan of a culprit.

  5. Dà pì 大辟 is the bureaucratic legal term for capital punishment.

  6. Qì shì 棄市 refers to public execution in the market place.

  7. Jiǎo 絞 "strangulation"

  8. Pēng 烹 "boiling alive"

  9. Fēn chǐ 分胣 "cutting up and disembowelling"

  10. Kēng 坑 "burying alive"

  11. Chē liè 車列 "tearing apart between two vehicles"

  12. Zhī jiě 肢解 "dismembering"

  13. Fǔ 脯 "cutting into slices"

  14. Hǎi 醢 "cutting into small pieces"

  15. Zū 菹 "making into minced meat". See also BEHEAD.

• GREAT
  

  1. The most general word for awe-inspiring greatness and significance is wěi 偉 (ant. 眇 / 渺 "trifling").

  2. Dà 大 (ant. xiǎo 小 "insignificant") is often used to refer to generally recognised awe-inspiring status (for example of a king etc) rather than mere size.

  3. Hóng 弘 and jù 巨 (ant. xì 細 ) are stylistically marked strong words to use for the greatness of something. See IMPORTANT

  4. Hóng 鴻 refers to greatness as essentially linked to immense size.

  5 Kǒng 孔 is an archaic word referring to immensity, numerousness as well as remarkable intensity of something.

Word relations
• Ant: (BIG)細/TENUOUS The most current word for what is literally insubstantial and slight is xì 細. 3 Attributions
• Ant: (GREAT)細/ORDINARY Xì 細 (ant. kuí 魁 "great, towering") refers to ordinariness as absence of real power or significance. 1 Attribution
• Ant: (BIG)微小/SMALL
• Ant: (BIG)小/SMALL The dominant quite general word is xiǎo 小 (ant. dà 大 "big"), and this word refers to both physical size and abstract importance. 13 Attributions
• Epithet: (INTENSELY)喜/DELIGHT Xǐ 喜 (ant. yōu 憂 "worry") is openly manifested delight, manifested in an individual, visible to all, but not normally of any profound significance. 1 Attribution
• Epithet: (BIG)室/BUILDING Shì 室 is any building, can be smaller than gōng 宮, need not have an outer surrounding wall. It seems that when inside gōng 宮, shǐ 室 was located behind táng 堂. The term can also refer to the family or household. See CLAN 2 Attributions
• Epithet: (GREAT)王/RULER Wáng 王(contrast bà 霸 "hegemon basing his role on power rather than moral authority") refers specifically to someone who is enfeoffed as a formal ruler of what counts as a state in ancient China. 6 Attributions
• Epithet: (GREAT)臣/MINISTER The general word for a government minister at any level and of any kind is chén 臣, generically rén chén 人臣. 3 Attributions
• Epithet: (SENIOR)臣/MINISTER The general word for a government minister at any level and of any kind is chén 臣, generically rén chén 人臣. 1 Attribution
• Contrast: (BROAD)廣/BROAD The standard general word is guǎng 廣 (ant. xiá 狹 "narrow") referring to anything of get spatial extension, also in various metaphorical senses.
• Contrast: (GREAT)弘/GREAT Hóng 弘 and jù 巨 (ant. xì 細) are stylistically marked strong words to use for the greatness of something. See IMPORTANT
• Contrast: (GREAT)弘/GREAT Hóng 弘 and jù 巨 (ant. xì 細) are stylistically marked strong words to use for the greatness of something. See IMPORTANT
• Contrast: (BIG)洪/BIG Hóng 洪 refers to the size of water masses, and the word is often used in metaphorical senses.
• Contrast: (GREAT)洪/BIG Hóng 洪 refers to the size of water masses, and the word is often used in metaphorical senses.
• Contrast: (BIG)長/LONG The dominant general term for length is cháng 長 (ant. duǎn 短 "short").
• Contrast: (BIG)高/HIGH The manifestly dominant general word is gāo 高(ant. bēi 卑 "low" and xià 下 "low") which refers to concrete as well as abstract elevation.
• Assoc: (GREAT)重/INTENSELY Zhòng 重 freely refers to an impressive intensity beyond expectation of both positive or negative qualities or actions. 1 Attribution
• Assoc: (BIG)巨/BIG Jù 巨 "huge" (ant. xì 細 "slight") indicates a higher degree of size.
• Assoc: (GREAT)弘/GREAT Hóng 弘 and jù 巨 (ant. xì 細) are stylistically marked strong words to use for the greatness of something. See IMPORTANT 1 Attribution
• Assoc: (BROAD)闊/BROAD Kuò 闊 (ant. xiá 狹 "narrow") adds to the concept of broadness of spatial extent that of remote distance, and the word was late to enter the pre-Buddhist language. 1 Attribution
• Assoc: (BIG)高/TALL
• Synon: (INTENSELY)全/PERFECT Quán 全 (ant. cán 殘 "seriously deficient") focusses on the complete presence of some conditions of excellence. 1 Attribution
• Synon: (INTENSELY)厚/ABUNDANT Hòu 厚 (ant. báo 薄 "meagerly supplied with something") primarily refers to man-made or man-caused generous abundance, prototypically in contexts such as hospitality or exchange of presents. >>ARTIFICIAL 1 Attribution
• Synon: (INTENSELY)甚/INTENSELY The current general word referring to high degree of something or intensity of the application of a predicate is shèn 甚 (ant.* post-Buddhist (NANBEICHAO) lyuè 略 "slightly"). 1 Attribution