Taxonomy of meanings for 上:　　

Additional information about 上

說文解字: 【丄】，高也。此古文上，指事也。凡丄之屬皆从丄。 【時掌切】 【上】，篆文丄。

Criteria
• HAND UP
  

  1. The current general word for handing something up to superiors is xiàn 獻 (ant. cì 賜 "present to inferior").

  2. Jìn 進 is a very common bureaucratic word for submitting something to a superior.

  3. Fèng 奉 is a rather dramatic word depicting a person handing something up with both hands (possibly with the intention of making a formal gift of it, xiàn 獻.

  4. Nà 納 is a cold strictly bureaucratic term referring to the handing some upwards in the hierarchy.

  5. Gòng 貢 refers to the formal and ritual handing up or pledging of something to high authorities (typically tribute) in the course of one's ritual or political duties (the two being not held apart in ancient Chinese society). This tribute may even consist of lands or populations.

  6. Bǐng 稟 refers to handing up something to high authority (typically reports) with a show of extreme but customary deferential politeness.

  7. Xiào 效 typically refers to the offering up of abstract things such as effort on behalf of high authority.

  8. Zòu 奏 refers to the formal submission of a text to the highest authorities, and typically to the emperor.

  9. Shàng 上 is a neutral word referring to the submission of anything to someone higher up in the official hierarchy.

  10. Gōng 供／共 refers to the provision of what is necessary to the higher authorities.

  11. Nà 納 is to hand in formally to the authorities.

• CHINESE LANGUAGE
  

  1. guānhuà 官話 "Mandarin" is obsolete, and its traditional antonym was xiāngyǔ 鄉語 "local speech".

  From Míng Dynasty times, this was a current word for the common vernacular language used by administrative staff of any kind throughout China.

  DC: 明何良俊《四友齋叢說 ‧ 史十一》： " 雅宜不喜作鄉語，每發口必官話。 "

  2. báihuà 白話 "plain speech, vernacular" (as opposed to wényán 文言 )

  This is a modern word referring to an easily accessible written version of the Chinese language. In classical contexts or early vernacular contexts the expression always seems to refer to "empty talk" rather than the vernacular language.

  3. guóyǔ 國語 "national language" (ant. wàiyǔ 外語 ) (pre-1950ies and Taiwan)

  A word that continues to be in increasing common use even in Mainland China today, and which is standard in places like Malaysia or Singapore, as well as in Taiwan.

  4. zhōngguóyǔ 中國語 "language of China" (ant. wàiguóyǔ 外國語 )

  Current Japanese way of writing the Japanese word for the Chinese language, but the expression has a long history in China, the first attested use being in Yáng Xióng's Model Sayings of the first century BC.

  5. pǔtōnghuà 普通話 "common language" (Mainland China) (ant. dìfāngyǔ 地方語, fāngyán 方言 "dialect (not in the ancient meaning)")

  This is a very common modern expression which corresponds to Greek koinē, and the word is always used in counterdistinction to (often mutually incomprehensible) dialects. The word has a rather political flair.

  6. Hànyǔ 漢語 "language of the Hàn people" (should include all dialects, but is often used otherwise)

  This is the most current word for the Chinese language as opposed to other 族語 "national languages". The word is very current in the Buddhist Tripitaka, but it is also attested elsewhere 庾信《奉和法筵應詔》： " 佛影胡人記，經文漢語翻。 ". The term is also attested in 世說新語.

  7. Zhōngguóhuà 中國話 "Chinese speech" (includes all dialects)

  This word is always used in counterdistinction to foreign languages. It has become current in international contexts in nineteenth century novels.

  8. Zhōngwén 中文 "Chinese (typically written) language" (ant. wàiwén 外文, often icludes speech: 會說中文 )

  This word is already attested in the medieval 搜神記, where it refers to the written language. In Modern Standard Chinese this is a very common way of referring to Chinese as opposed to foreign languages, and as a subject in school curricula.

  9. Huáyǔ 華語 "Chinese talk" (used mainly in Singapore, Hong Kong etc.)

  This word has a long history in Buddhist texts, and it is also already attested in 劉知幾《史通 ‧ 言語》： "... 必諱彼夷音，變成華語.

  10. Hànyīn 漢音 "Han-Chinese sounds" refers to the Chinese language in a poetic style. Sanskrit is currently referred to as 梵音.

  HD sub verbo 漢文： 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  HD: 2. 指漢語。南朝宋朱廣之《咨顧道士＜夷夏論＞》： " 想茲漢音，流入彼國。 "

  老子漢人也。

  新修科分六學僧傳 R133_p0714a04(02)║

  胡蕃國也。土地不同。則言音亦異。當其化胡成佛之際。為作漢音耶。作蕃音耶。苟以漢音。則蕃國有所不解。以蕃音。則此經之至。宜須翻譯。

  11. Hàn yán 漢言 "Hàn language, language of the Hàn Dynasty> Chinese" (ant. 胡言 or 胡語 ) is a historico-ethnographic term.

  This remained a very common way of referring to the Chinese language long after the Hàn Dynasty, as is clear from the Buddhist Tripitaka. (424 occurrences in CBETA.)

  T25n1512_p0835b29(05)║

  胡言般若波羅蜜。

  漢言智慧彼岸也

  T48n2023_p1095c25(00)║

  志曰。

  佛者。 Buddha

  漢言覺也。 is "the enlightened" in Hàn language"

  將以覺悟群生也。 He will bring enlightenment to the sentient beings.

  12. Wényán 文言 "literary Chinese" (ant. báihuà 白話 "plain vernacular") today refers to a modernised version of traditional classical Chinese, as used for example in letters. But in the Buddhist Tripitaka, for example, the phrase regularly refers to ornate Chinese, ornate formulations. Neither traditionally nor in modern times is 文言 used in counterdistinction to foreign languages: the contrast is with other varieties of Chinese.

  DC: 4. 別於白話的古漢語書面語。蔡元培《在國語傳習所的演說》： " 文言上還有例句，如 ' 爾無我詐，我無爾虞 ' 等。 "

  13. wényánwén 文言文 "literary Chinese writing" (ant. báihuàwén 白話文 ) refers to classical Chinese as it continues to be used in the introductions to books and in formal letter-writing.

  This is a twentieth century word, as far as I can see.

  14. báihuà-wén 白話文 "plain talk writing" (ant. wényánwén 文言文 ) is a term with a strong stylistic nuance.

  This is a twentieth century word.

  15. tōngyòngyǔ 通用語 "general use language".

  This is a twentieth century neologism designed to replace 普通話. The term has never achieved broad use.

  16. dàzhòngyǔ 大眾語 "mass language" is obsolete today.

  This is a politicised ideological concept stressing the universal use and popularity of the Chinese language as advocated by language politicians. It is a twentieth century political neologism.

  17. guówén 國文 "state writing" refers in a formal way to written Chinese.

  This is a twentieth century term mainly used in connection with educational politics.

  HD: 許地山《東野先生》： “ 這不是國文教科書底一課麼？ ”

  18. Hàn wén 漢文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Hàn (typically written) language"

  HD: 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  19. Zhōngguó wénzì 中國文字 "the Chinese (written) language"

  T49n2036_p0477a06(03)║　

  中國文字未通。蓋不可知也。

  R110_p0542b01(05)║

  偈語原必有韻譯以中國文字。則無可協。

  R110_p0542b09(00)║

  流入東土後。以中國文字經為尊稱。故亦稱經。

  20. Huá yán 華言 is an obsolete traditional term for Chinese that comes over 1200 times in Taisho Tripitaka.

  R150_p0541a 13(00)║

  剌麻者。乃西域之尊稱。

  譯華言為無上二字。

  R149_p0695a 12(00)║

  梵語阿修羅。亦云阿素洛。

  又云阿須倫。

  華言非天。

  R149_p0718b05(03)║

  梵語袈裟華言壞色衣。

  21. dōngtǔ Huáxiàyán 東土華夏言 "Chinese language in the eastern regions" is an ad hoc periphrastic expression which one might insist was never lexicalised, but it is perhaps worth recording just as well, if only in order to

  R059_p0119b04(00)║

  梵語。西天梵國語也。

  華言。東土華夏言也。

  譯者翻也。

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  22. Hàn'ér yányǔ 漢兒言語 "Hàn language" is a term that is current in Korean textbooks of colloquial Chinese, like the famous 老乞大 : “ 你是高麗人，卻怎麼漢兒言語說的好。 ” See also the article in 太田辰夫《漢語史通考 · 關於漢兒言語》

  23. Jìn wén 晉文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Jìn (typically written) language" is fairly rare, but clear examples are easily found:

  T50n2059_p0326c12(02)║

  還歸中夏。

  自燉煌至長安。

  沿路傳譯寫為晉文。

  24. Jìn yán 晉言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Jìn" is common indeed, but many examples can be read technically as "in Jìn this translates as". Not however in this example:

  於龜茲國金華祠。

  T14n0434_p0105ā6(01)║　

  演出此經。譯梵音為晉言。

  T33n1693_p0001ā7(01)║

  斯經似安世高譯。為晉言也。 (punctuation probably wrong!)

  25. Jìn yǔ 晉語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Jìn"

  T50n2059_p0329ā2(00)║

  手執梵文口宣晉語。

  T55n2145_p0072b24(03)║

  先誦本文。

  然後乃譯為晉語。

  26. Jìn yīn 晉音 "Jìn Dynasty speech"

  T14n0434_p0105á1(00)║

  沙門慧海者。通龜茲語。

  善解晉音。

  林復命使譯龜茲語為晉音。

  T50n2060_p0634á6(02)║

  外國語云阿耨菩提。

  晉音翻之無上大道。

  27. Qín yán 秦言 "Qín language> Chinese" is the standard way of providing Chinese translations for Sanskrit words in the Buddhist Tripitaka. (No less than 1132 examples in CBETA, but mostly formulaic, as in the following examples.)

  答曰。摩訶秦言大。 "maha is "big"in Chinese"

  T25n1509_p0383á2(03)║

  今問摩訶薩義。摩訶者秦言大。

  28. Qín yǔ 秦語 "Speech of the Qín > Chinese"

  In the Buddhist Tripitaka, this is a very formal term for Chinese, not very common. (Only 22 occurrences in CBETA)

  T26n1543_p0771b02(08)║

  梵本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千五百四言 ) 。

  秦語十九萬五千二百五十言。

  T51n2068_p0053c09(05)║

  什自手執胡經。

  口譯秦語曲從方言而趣不乖本。

  T51n2068_p0054á9(07)║

  什自執梵本口譯秦語。

  T55n2145_p0072b07(28)║

  胡本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千三百四言 ) 秦語十九萬五千二百五十言

  T55n2145_p0073c09(02)║

  胡本一萬一千七百五十二首盧長五字也。

  凡三十七萬六千六十四言也。

  秦語為十六五千九百七十五字。

  29. Táng wén 唐文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Táng (typically written) language"

  This is the standard way of referring to the written Chinese language in Buddhist texts of the Táng dynasty.

  R130_p0664b06(02)║

  以華言唐文刻釋氏經典

  T39n1797_p0803b21(10)║

  不得梵文依唐文得意亦同。

  T48n2025_p1160a24(08)║

  唐文多對偶當盡翻譯。

  T50n2060_p0614c17(05)║

  有天竺三藏大齎梵本擬譯唐文。

  R024_p0177a16(02)║　

  語精梵言。

  雖亦兼美唐文。

  乍來恐未盡善。

  30. Táng yán 唐言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Táng".

  1523 occurrences in CBETA. Occasionally, one wonders whether this does refer to Táng time Chinese whereas Hànyīn 漢音 does not:

  T20n1177Ap0724c02(01)║

  遂將得舊翻譯唐言漢音經本在寺。

  31. Táng yǔ 唐語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Táng"

  A fairly rare way of referring to the Chinese language in Táng Buddhist texts. (Only 18 occurrences in CBETA)

  R014_p0563a14(02)║

  印度罽賓皆未詳唐語。

  R036_p0985a16(18)║　　　　

  又多兩重怗文當知初依梵文後釋唐語

  T30n1579_p0283c07(05)║

  三藏法師玄奘。

  敬執梵文譯為唐語。

  32. Táng yīn 唐音 "Táng speech" is a regular expression for Táng Dynasty Chinese in the Buddhist Tripitaka.

  R036_p0584b13600)

  梵語本是兩名唐音無以甄別

  R066_p0717b08(01)║

  此偈乃是梵語訛言。

  傳者將為唐音正字。

  33. Tánghuà 唐話 "Táng talk" is a current Cantonese term for Chinese, and the famous intellectual 許地山 writes: 他說的雖是唐話，但是語格和腔調全是不對的。 But in this phrase, I am instructed by my teacher and friend Jiǎng Shàoyú, Táng refers not to the dynasty but to 唐山.

  34. Dà Táng yǔ 大唐語 "Speech of the Great Táng Dynasty" is rarely attested, but the word does exist:

  R150_p1055b17(00)║

  若僧雖是新羅人。却會大唐語。 Monk Ruò was a person from Xīnluó, but he spoke the language of the Great Táng Dynasty.

  35. Hàn 漢 is an abbreviation for Hànyǔ 漢語 currently used in Buddhist translation theory, but the word is not in itself a term for the Chinese language outside such technical contexts.

  T21n1293_p0378c15(02)║　

  翻梵為漢 Translate the Sanskrit into Chinese.

  R068_p0353b05(05)║

  梵是天竺之言。

  漢是此土之語。

  R133_p0623b09(07)║

  序以條列梵漢旨義。

  R005_p0007b03(02)║

  翻譯之家自有規准。 The specialists in translation have their own standards.

  若名梵漢共有。 If a term exists both in Sanskrit and in Chinese

  則敵對而翻。 than they just match the terms up in translation.

  36. Táng 唐 "language of the Táng Dynsasty.

  梵唐

  T54n2133Ap1196b12(02)║　

  一曰義淨撰梵語千字文。

  或名梵唐千字文。

  T55n2176_p1118a01(00)║　

  梵唐對譯阿彌陀經一卷 ( 仁 )

  This is the same as 梵唐語：

  T55n2176_p1118b20(00)║　

  梵唐語對註譯大佛頂真言一卷

  T55n2176_p1119c19(18)║

  梵唐對譯法花二十八品

  T55n2176_p1120a05(00)║　

  梵唐對譯金剛般若經二卷

  T55n2176_p1131a06(00)║　

  梵唐文字一卷

  37. Jìn 晉 "the language of the Jìn Dynasty.

  The term is rarely used to refer directly to the language, unlike the common Táng 唐. But examples do exist:

  T55n2157_p0795c08(08)║

  既學兼梵晉故譯義精允。

  38. nèidìhuà 內地話 refers to the language spoken on the Mainland, and the word is mostly used on Taiwan. This term represents an outsider's view on the Chinese language. (2.9 million hits in Google! This important word was brought to my attention by Jens Østergaard Petersen.)

  39. shénzhōu yǔ 神州語 "the language of our divine land" is quaint, nationalistically sentimental, and a rare way of referring to the Chinese language.

  beijing.kijiji.cn/á1221463.html:

  心中一暖，想到他居然會說神州語，正要說些甚麼，但一開口，嘴部動作牽動喉嚨，...

  40. zúyǔ 族語 "the national language (of the Chinese) is a borderline case because the term refers to national languages in general, and only by extension to Chinese in particular.

  42. Hàn dì zhī yán 漢地之言 "language of the Ha4n territory" is a marginal periphrastic expression which one should probably not regard as a lexicalised item. One could study such periphrastic expressions separately from the lexicalised vocabulary.

  R059_p0119b06(06)║

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  [43. jīngpiànzi 京片子 "Chinese as spoken in Peking" is a borderline case because it does refer to Peking speech, but not insofar as it is the standard for the whole of China. Colloquial examples of this sort could be multiplied...]

• DESCEND
  

  1. The current word for descending is jiàng 降 (ant. shēng 升 "ascend", dēng 登 "ascend").

  2. Xià 下 (ant. shàng 上 "ascend") sometimes refers colourlessly to something moving downwards.

• BEAUTIFUL
  

  [ABSOLUTE/GRADED]

  [ACOUSTIC/VISUAL]

  [ARTIFICIAL/NATURAL]

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/VULGAR]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [HUMAN/NON-HUMAN]

  [POETIC/PROSAIC]

  1. The general word is měi 美 "handsome and admirable" (ant. è 惡 "ugly") which refers to anything concrete or abstract which is attractive or handsome in a dignified way, and the word often retains its primary culinary sense of "tasty".

  [GENERAL], [GRADED]; [[COMMON]]

  2. Lì 麗 (ant. sù 素 "unaodorned") is often restricted to physical objects, prototypically to clothes, and emphasises their balanced symmetric beauty, occasionally also - by analogy - the well-aligned symmetric beauty of mountains.

  [ELEVATED], [NON-HUMAN], [VISUAL!]

  3. Wén 文 (ant. zhì 質 "merely material") emphasises cultivated external as well as internal elegance as well as traditionalism.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED], [NON-HUMAN], [VISUAL!]

  4. Yǎ 雅 (ant. sú 俗 "vulgar") emphasises primarily external elevated elegance.

  [ACOUSTIC!], [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED+], [NON-HUMAN]

  5. Hǎo 好 "comely, handsome" (ant. chǒu 醜 "ugly") refers indiscriminately to men and women, but the word is sometimes more general and even abstract in application and refers to attractive words or attractive moral qualities.

  [HUMAN!], [NATURAL], [VISUAL]

  6. Xiù 秀 "of vigorous and imposing beauty" focusses on flourishing and flamboyant beauty in analogy with that of flowers.

  [ELEVATED], [NATURAL], [NON-HUMAN], [POETIC], [VISUAL]; [[RARE]]

  7. Huá 華 "of striking and colourful beauty" (ant. sú 俗 "vulgar") focusses on flourishing and flamboyant superficial or only apparent beauty, on the analogy analogy with that of flowers.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [ELEVATED], NON-HUMAN], [SUPERFICIAL], [VISUAL]

  8. Zhuàng 壯 "stately" (ant. ruò 弱 "weak and unsightly") is virile beauty associated with strength and vigour. See STRONG

  [NATURAL], [MARGINAL], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  9. Jiā 佳 "of outstanding beauty" (NB: liè 劣 "unremarkable" is the ant. of jiā 佳 "outstanding", and not in the meaning of "outstandingly beautiful") emphasises comparative beauty compared to others in the same group.

  [GRADED], [ELEVATED], [NATURAL], [POETIC]

  10. Dū 都 "urbane and exquisitely beautiful" (ant. bì 鄙 "rustic and inelegant") is a highly poetic word that can only be used in elevated prose.

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [POETIC], [VISUAL]; [[RARE]]

  11. Yán 妍 "attractive and exquisite (of humans as well as human products)" (ant. chì 蚩 "unattractive") refers to elaborate beauty. See SEXY.

  [ARCHAIC], [ELEVATED], [HUMAN], [POETIC]; [[RARE]]

  12. Xiū 脩 / 修 "refined moral beauty" refers to moral as well as physical beauty, thus coming close the Greek kalokagathia, but never approaching the latter in importance as a cultural keyword.

  <div>[ELEVATED], [ARTIFICIAL]; [[RARE]]</div><div><br></div><div>吳蓬，東方審美詞彙集萃，上海文藝出版社，2002 lists the following rough definitions of a variety of terms of aesthetic appreciation by the artist and scholar Wu Peng. Many of these terms express conventional appreciative flattery only. This list does provide one not particularly well-known artist's subjective readings of some basic terms of traditional Chinese aesthetic approbation.</div><div>勃：富有生机之突起。<br>苍：浓的，毛的，老练的。<br>沉：沉着不浮，有重量感。<br>冲：调成和淡之意向。<br>饬：整顿。<br>粗：大而不笨者。<br>淳：清，往往易薄，然而淳是清中滋润之厚。<br>醇：与淳略同，这醇是提炼后的滋润之厚。<br>绰：与"约"字合用，即舒而不纵之意。<br>澹：平静而有幽淡之趣。<br>淡：与浓艳相对。<br>宕：放荡不拘。<br>跌：往往与"宕"字合用，即是起伏明显之状。<br>端：方正而不出偏，有稳实感。<br>敦：很实在的，结实的厚。<br>繁：众而密，有生气。<br>方：与平正同义。<br>丰：饱满而充足。<br>风：审美中之"风"指的是一种气韵格调。<br>飞：大幅度的流动。<br>刚：属于阳性的，有正力的，与柔软相对。</div><div>高：俯视一切的、超然得不一般。<br>工：规矩，不潦草。<br>孤：自我独立。<br>古：旧气，更有历史的抗怀千载之迹象。<br>骨：内在的架子。<br>犷：是跟"雄悍"接近，在粗中发展开来。<br>瑰：不单调的美。<br>乖：不和顺。<br>憨：近于拙朴而敦实。<br>酣：厚润四溢。<br>豪：激动向上之貌，有气魄。<br>宏：大而有气度。<br>厚：有沉积的饱和。<br>华：明亮而艳丽。<br>环：长久圆融之境。<br>荒：与"枯简"接近，不修饰。<br>豁：与开朗接近，然比开朗明显。<br>恢：宽广有余。<br>浑：团然一气之象，有朦胧感。<br>简：经过一番整修的减少。<br>娇：美得可爱。<br>警：审美中用此警字，往往指敏锐、颖达。<br></div><div>劲：能察觉的力。<br>精：很到位。<br>隽：精致而具内涵之美。<br>娟：秀而婉丽。<br>崛：高起而突出。<br>俊：人材杰曲之美。<br>峻：山高而陡。在书画中是浓而锋利之用笔。<br>空：有灵气之空白。<br>枯：干而毛，生的萎缩，然亦是力的显露。<br>宽：大度而畅朗。<br>旷：广阔而空灵。<br>辣：是枯毛爽直的老笔触。<br>朗：明亮而豁然。<br>琅：圆而光润。<br>伦：是同类之意，带有文明意念。<br>冷：跟"淡"与"静”接近，与浓烈相对。<br>炼：精到而有功力。<br>淋：与"漓”往往合用，是无拘束的洒落。<br>流：明显的动感。<br>迈：阔而放的超势。<br>莽：宽广而繁密的，朴直奔放的。<br>袤：与"古"字合用，即悠长久远之趣。<br>茂：有生气的繁密。<br>媚：柔美之趣。<br>宓：安而静。<br>明：清晰有亮度。<br>凝：浓重而不流动。<br>懦：毫无火气之柔软。<br>平：一般的，接近于稳。<br>朴：原始状态，形象较准。<br>嫖：与"姚"字合用，即动疾之状，而有气势。<br>奇：不一般。<br>气：生发的，迎面直扑而来的感觉。<br>清：是混的相对。其间透出一股朗气。<br>峭：山之直而险，在书画中是露锋的侧锋用笔，有明显露<br>尖状态。文章中之峭，是意气直逼。<br>遒：婉转有致，内力强劲。<br>虬：与遒类似，但动感较强，弯曲而有力度。<br>意：诚实谨慎。<br>儒：代表文人之书卷气。<br>洒：散落无拘束。<br>赡：富有与丰实。若与"疏”、"逸”组合即成"澹”或"安"之义。</div><div>骚：审美中之骚字，可引伸为风骚至风流感。<br>韶：美丽有光泽。<br>涩：在不爽快的进程中，流露出内力之美。<br>深：不是浮面的。<br>神：精与气合。高端的。<br>生：不成熟，但比成熟有味。<br>肆：任意放纵。<br>松：松是灵活自然，是一切技巧之本要。<br>瘦：与粗笨相对，在审美中的"瘦"，是指细长而精练。<br>疏：一种稀少秀朗之美。<br>肃：有立即静穆下来之势。<br>率：与潦草随便有别，爽快而直接。<br>邃：深远而悠久。<br>阅：通达之意。<br>给：与"宕"合用，是安详舒放之趣。<br>天:很自然，一片天箱之"天"。<br>恬：安静而坦然。<br>挺：直而有生气。<br>婉：柔和而曲折。<br>温：是一种暖调与缓和的综合。</div><div>巍：往往与"峨"合用，是高大厚实之趣。<br>洗：与"炼”合用，即是"精炼"之意，凡物之洁出于洗。<br>犀：与"利"字合用，即坚利。<br>熙：光明，和乐。<br>细：指细而不纤。<br>娴：文静而雅致。<br>闲：一种高雅的自由。<br>萧：疏少有致。<br>潇：散朗而润泽。<br>馨：很醇厚的香气。<br>篁："篁古”是悠远辽阔之意。<br>雄：强大，有力度，有霸气。<br>秀：灵巧的，有生气的，美好的显露。<br>虚：表象空，但并非真空。<br>雅：文气而不俗。<br>妍：鲜美而柔性。<br>严：认真，不马虎。<br>淹：一种浸沉与精深明达之境。<br>野：超脱、不规范。<br>冶：经过一番精致修饰。<br>逸：悠闲的起伏。</div><div>意：精神倾向。<br>莹：透明而幽亮。<br>雍：往往与“容"字合用，有和顺之貌。<br>幽：静而深。<br>腴：肥润而饱和。<br>郁：厚积而有生气。<br>纤：与"迥"字合用，即弯环回绕之趣。<br>遹：与"瑰"字合用，即纤迥美丽之趣。<br>渊：往往与"懿"合用，是深润而悠美之趣。<br>圆：接近于饱满润滑。<br>蕴：与"藉"合用，即内涵丰富。<br>韵：一种余味不尽之趣。<br>恣：放纵的，无拘束的。<br>滋：湿润感。<br>自：出于本性的流露。<br>质：本体的，实在的。<br>纵：放逸无拘之状。<br>拙：接近朴，形不准。<br>庄：端正之貌。<br>卓：与“荤"合用，是突出明显之状。<br></div><div><br></div><br>

• HIGH
  

  1. The manifestly dominant general word is gāo 高 (ant. bēi 卑 "low" and xià 下 "low") which refers to concrete as well as abstract elevation.

  2. Shàng 上 (ant. xià 下 "lower") refers to the relatively high position of something, both abstractly and concretely.

  3. Chóng 崇 (ant. bēi 卑 "lowly") and lóng 隆 (ant. wū 污 ) adds the notion of impressiveness to that of high elevation.

  4. Qiáo 喬 refers specifically to the imposing tallness of trees.

  5. Jùn 峻, wéi 巍, yán 巖, é 峨 are among the large number of poetic words referring to the imposing height of mountains.

  6. Wēi 危 adds to the notion of the imposing (almost threatening) hight of something that of steepness of the slope, and the difficulty of access.

  7. Lóng 隆 refers to imposing and impressive height, typically - but not always - of something artificial.

• ASCEND
  

  [ARCHAIC/CURRENT]

  [[BASIC/DERIVED]]

  [DIFFICULT/EASY]

  [ELEVATED/VULGAR]

  [+FIG/LITERAL]

  1. Shēng 升 (ant. jiàng 降 "descend") is perhaps the most general word dedicated to the meaning of "going up", and the word often has a literary, dignified flavour.

  [GENERAL]; [[BASIC]], [[CURRENT]]

  2. Shàng 上 (ant. xià 下 "descend"), on the basis of the general meaning "above", comes to refer to the moving to the position on top of or above something else, and the word has no elevated literary flavour.

  [GENERAL]; [[CURRENT]], [[DERIVED]]

  3. Dēng 登 refers to one entering a vehicle or moving onto a higher surface of any kind, typically (but not always) in a dignified manner.

  [ELEVATED!]; [[CURRENT+]]

  4 Pān 攀 refers to an arduous movement across difficult terrain to a higher position, supporting oneself by objects that one can hold on to as one is moving upwards.

  [DIFFICULT+], [LITERAL]; [[BASIC]], [[CURRENT]]

  5. Yuán 緣 refers to an often arduous movement in difficult "terrain" and guided by certain features of that terrain.

  [DIFFICULT]; [[DERIVED]]

  6. Chéng 乘 refers to the mounting of a vehicle, specifically.

  [SPECIFIC]; [[CURRENT]]

  7. Jī 躋 refers to ascending a burial mound as part of ritual.

  [ARCHAIC], [SPECIFIC]; [[RARE]]

  8. Zhì 陟 "poetic: scale a mountain" (ant. jiàng 降 "descend") is a rare archaising words with highly restricted usage.

  [ARCHAIC], [SPECIFIC]; [[RARE]]

  9. Jí 即 (ant.* xùn 遜 "resign a ruler's position", or perhaps also shàn 禪 "resign the throne") is always metaphorically "ascend (the throne)".

  [SPECIFIC]; [[CURRENT]], [[DERIVED]]

• EMPEROR
  

  天子

  皇帝

  上

  帝

• BAD
  

  [ABSOLUTE/GRADED]

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/INFORMAL]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [HIGH-DEGREE/LOW-DEGREE]

  1. The most general word for what is inferior and not commendable, morally, aesthetically or otherwise, is è 惡 (ant. měi 美 "commendable"), but this word is also used to refer more specifically to wickedness. See WICKED

  [GENERAL]

  2. Xià 下 (ant. shàng 上 "superior") is a colourless general way of referring to something being inferior to something else (which may or may not be specified) in any sense.

  [GRADED]

  3. Liè 劣 (ant. yōu 優 "of higher quality") refers quite generally to inferior quality, but the word is not very frequent in pre-Buddhist Chinese.

  [HIGH-DEGREE]; [[RARE]]

  4. Nú 駑 and the rarer tái 駘 (all ant. jùn 駿 "superior horse") refer specifically to inferior horses, and in a rather pictoresque metaphorical way these terms are sometimes used to refer to men of inferior quality.

  [ELEVATED], [SUBJ=HUMAN]; [[RARE]]

• GOD
  

  1. Tiān 天 refers to the - often personified or semi-personified - God of Heaven.

  2. Shàng dì 上帝 refers to the highest Sovereign, also identified with the the Highest Ancestor.

• RANK
  

  1. The most general term for relative rank of any kind in any walk of life is děng 等.

  2. Jiē 階, jí 級. and the rarer bān 班 are general terms referring to a person's position in the bureaucratic hierarchy.

  3. Wèi 位 and the rarer liè 列 typically refer to relatively elevated official ranks only.

  4. Jué 爵 refers specifically to noble rank.

  5. Shàng 上 is occasionally used to refer to leading position.

• NOBLE
  

  [ABSOLUTE/GRADED]

  [BASIC/MARGINAL]

  [ELEVATED/FAMILIAR]

  [HIGH-DEGREE/LOW-DEGREE]

  [OBJECTIVE/SUBJECTIVE]

  [OFFICIAL/INOFFICIAL]

  [PRIVATE/PUBLIC]

  1. Zūn 尊 (ant. bēi 卑 "lowly, vulgar") is the current word for publicly recognised objective nobility and high status, and the word refers to objective social status in society.

  [ELEVATED], [GRADED], [HIGH-DEGREE], [OBJECTIVE], [PUBLIC], [SOCIAL]

  2. Guì 貴 (ant. jiàn 賤 "of low character") adds to the notion of high social status that of subjectively appreciated nobility of character.

  [GRADED], [HIGH-DEGREE], [PERSONAL], [PUBLIC], [SUBJECTIVE]

  3. Gāo 高 (ant. xià 下 "of lowly status") refers to objective high position in a hierarchy.

  [OBJECTIVE], [PUBLIC], [HIGH-DEGREE]

  4. Shàng 尚 (ant. bǐ 鄙 "of vulgar status") adds to the notion of objective high position in a hierarchy the subjectively appreciated feature of admirability

  [MARGINAL], [SUBJECTIVE]

  5. Shàng 上 (ant. xià 下 "of lower status") refers occasionally to (comparative) seniority in a hierarchy.

  [HIGH-DEGREE], [OBJECTIVE], [OFFICIAL], [PUBLIC]

  6. Yòu 右 (ant. zuǒ 左 "be of relatively lower status") can occasionally refer to relative seniority within the bureaucracy.

  [GRADED], [OBJECTIVE], [OFFICIAL], [PUBLIC]

• ABOVE
  

  [ABSTRACT/CONCRETE]

  [SPATIAL/TEMPORAL]

  1. The standard word referring to what is above or on top is shàng 上.

  SPATIAL!, CONCRETE

  2. Shàng 尚 is used verbally in an a figurative abstract way referring to higher status.

  Tóu 頭 is occasionally used to the upper side of things.

  NB: Shàng 尚 is used in various abstract ways and is not normally purely spatial in meaning. See SURPASS.

• PEOPLE
  

  1. The dominant current general word for the people is mín 民 (ant. jūn 君 "ruler"), and this term refers inclusively to all the people particularly insofar as they are ruled by a ruler or belong to a state (xiǎo mín 小民 are the ordinary people). [ 夫民之為言也暝也，萌之為言也（肓）〔盲〕也，故惟上之所扶而以之，民無不化也。故曰：「民萌。」民萌哉！ ( 直言其意而為之名也 ) Xinshu 9

  2. Bǎi xìng 百姓 (ant. jūn zhǔ 君主 "ruler") typically refers to the registered senior families in a state who are under the control of the ruler and contribute taxes as well as military service to him; but from earliest times this term was occasionally used to refer generally to the populace at large.

  3. Rén 人 (ant. wáng 王 "king") is sometimes used generically for those people who were taken to have a political voice, as in Yīn rén 殷人 "the people of Yīn".

  4. Méng 氓 / 萌 (ant.* shì mín 士民 "citizens") refers specifically to the common people belonging to the lower echelons of society.

  5. Zhòng 眾, shù 庶 and the rarer and more rarified words 蒸 and lí 黎 refer to the masses of the people under the aspect of their numerousness.

  6. Qián shǒu 黔首 "black-headed people" is the current word for the people especially promoted by the Qin dynasty.

  7. Shì mín 士民 refers to senior registered citizens with a certain political influence; but the term can also be used collectively to refer to the freemen/gentleman shì 士 on the one hand, and the common people mín 民 on the other.

  8. Guó rén 國人 refers not to the people in a state, but specifically to the senior citizens in the capital.

  9. Mín rén 民人 is a very current way of referring to the people without suggesting any low or high status.

  10. Shù rén 庶人 is the technical term for the non-office-holding commoners in a country.

• RULER
  

  1. The current general word for a person in charge of or senior to others is zhǔ 主 (ant. pú 僕 "servant").

  2. Jūn 君 (ant. chén 臣 "minister") refers specifically to someone who is politically or administratively in charge of others as a ruler.

  3. Wáng 王 (contrast bà 霸 "hegemon basing his role on power rather than moral authority") refers specifically to someone who is enfeoffed as a formal ruler of what counts as a state in ancient China.

  4. Gōng 公 has many related meaning, but when following after the name of a state the word refers specifically to the ruler of an enfeoffed kingdom under the Son of Heaven who belongs to the royal lineage. After personal names, or used absolutely, the word may generally refer to to rulers of any rank and might be fastidiously translated as "his lordship".

  5. Hóu 侯 refers specifically to someone who is enfeoffed with a kingdom (or by Han times a minor administrative area) by the Son of Heaven as a hereditary feudal lord.

  6. Bà 霸 (contr. wáng 王 "regular king"), sometimes also written 伯 refers to a person who is in actual control of an area and specifically to one who acts as the leader of the feudal lords, and the term is sometimes used pejoratively for a "tyrant" caring for his own interests rather than those of his subordinates.

  7. Lìng 令 refers specifically to someone who is controlling a xiàn 縣 by order of a king.

  8. Shǒu 守 refers specifically to someone who is controlling a jùn 郡 by order of the emperor.

  9. Mù 牧 refers specifically to someone who is controlling a zhōu 州 by order of the emperor in Eastern Han times.

  10. Shàng 上 can refer to any governing authority or ruler, but by Han times the word became a standard polite way of referring to the Han emperor.

  11. Chán-yú 單于 refers specifically to the ruler of the Xiōngnú 匈奴. Cf. the Tang term kēhān 可汗 "Khan".

  12. Háo 豪 refers to a person of power but without formally recognised bureaucratic status.

  13. Kuí 魁 refers to a powerful popular leader unrecognised by government.

• ARMY
  

  [ARCHAIC/CURRENT]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [IMPERSONAL/PERSONIFIED]

  [MOBILE/STATIONARY]

  [LARGE/SMALL]

  1. Bīng 兵 "armed force" focusses on the weapons ready for use and may refer to any military grouping.

  [GENERAL]

  2. Jūn 軍 is a complete army as a unit, from Spring and Autumn times onwards, normally attached to an army camp. Complete parts of an army are always jūn 軍, rarely shī 師. Hence the expressions sān jūn 三軍, zhōng jūn 中軍, shàng jūn 上軍, xià jūn 下軍. An army is counted by the number of jūn 軍 in it, where each jūn 軍 is said to be 10 000 men, at least in the Qi system. Systems have varied in different states. For detals of the early history see the monograph by KOLB.

  [IMPERSONAL], [LARGE], [OFFICIAL]

  3. Shī 師 refers generally to troops a military force on a campaign, not necessarily a complete army. ZUO Ding 4.1.6 commentators quantify an armed force as consisting of 2500 men, in one exceptional context. One often speaks of 三軍之師, never of 三師之軍. One asks for troops 請／乞師, and not for jūn 軍 which would be asking for the whole army of a friendly state. The troops of another state one uses are always shī 師 (e.g. 衛人以燕師伐鄭 ), one's own troops can be described as jūn 軍 or shī 師 almost indifferently. One offers food to the enemy shī 師, not to their jūn 軍. (HF 23.27:01) There are ruì shī 銳師 "crack troops" but no ruì jūn 銳軍 "crack army". Similarly, 楚師之良. The shī 師 may be said to hear about something 師聞之, not the jūn 軍.

  [GENERAL], [MOBILE], [PERSONIFIED!]

  4. Lu# 旅 is an archaic word for armed forces in any combatant or non-combatant function, and in ZUO Ding 4.1.6 it is quantified to consist of 500 men, and.

  [ARCHAIC], [SMALL]

  5. Duì 隊 is common in Han texts for a division in the army, the size of this division could vary, but did not exceed the hundreds. SEE ALSO BATALLION

  [SMALL]

• ADMIRE
  

  [ACTIVIY/STATE]

  [AESTHETIC/MORAL]

  [ASCENDING/HORIZONTAL/DESCENDING]

  [EMOTIONAL/RATIONAL]

  [HIGH-DEGREE/LOW-DEGREE]

  [MENTAL/OVERT]

  [OBJ=HU/OBJ=NONHU]

  [OBJECTIVE/SUBJECTIVE]

  [OVERT/COVERT]

  [PRIVATE/PUBLIC]

  1. The standard general word for admiration is mù 慕 (ant. bǐ 鄙 "hold in low esteem"), and this word often connotes emulation.

  [ASCENDING], [EMOTIONAL], [OBJ=HU], [STATE], [SUBJECTIVE]

  2. Wàng 望 refers to an intense distant admiration of some heroic or in any way especially elevated figure.

  [ACTIVITY], [ASCENDING], [HIGH-DEGREE], [OBJ=HU], [RATIONAL], [SUBJECTIVE]

  3. Yǎng 仰 (ant.* yì 易 "have no special respect for") refers to a distant veneration of some heroic or in any way especially elevated figure.

  [ACTIVITY], [ASCENDING], [HIGH-DEGREE], [OBJ=HU], [RATIONAL], [SUBJECTIVE]

  4. Shàng 尚 (ant. qīng 輕 "have no special respect for") refers to giving high practical priority to something or someone out of a sense of admiration or appreciation.

  [ACTIVITY], [ASCENDING], [OBJ=HU], [OVERT] [PUBLIC]

  5. Shàng 上 (ant. xià 下 "despise, have no special respect for") refer to giving high practical priority to something out of a sense of admiration or appreciation.

  [ASCENDING], [OBJ=NON-HU], [OBJECTIVE], [OVERT], [PUBLIC]

  6. Yòu 右 (ant. qīng 輕 "have no special respect for") refer to giving high practical priority to something or someone out of a sense of admiration or appreciation.

  [ACTIVITY], [ASCENDING], [OVERT], [PUBLIC]

  7. Měi 美 (ant. è 惡 "find despicable an dislikable") refers to an intense expressly subjective aesthetic or moral appreciation for something as admirable.

  [COVERT], [STATE], [SUBJECTIVE]

  8. Duō 多 (ant. shǎo 少 "feel no respect for") refers to an objective assessment of something as worthy of admiration.

  [COVERT], [OBJECTIVE], [RATIONAL], [STATE]

  9. Xiàn 羨 refers to rather personal and private admiration for something, and this admiration is sometimes mixed with envy.

  [COVERT], [EMOTIONAL], [STATE], [SUBJECTIVE]

• BELOW
  

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [ELEVATED/FAMILIAR]

  [+FIG/LITERAL]

  1. The standard term referring to the relatively low position of something vis-a-vis something else is xià 下 (ant. shàng 上 "above").

  [GENERAL]; [[COMMON]]

  2. Bēi 卑 (ant. gāo 高 "high, elevated") can refer to what is physically low and therefore possibly or presumbably of lower status. See mainly LOW and HUMBLE

  [+FIG]

  3. Dǐ 底 "below" (ant. dǐng 頂 "top") was late to emerge as a colloquial competitor.

  [FAMILIAR]; [[RARE]]

  4. Lù 麓 refers to the foot of a mountain, and the contrast with the many words for mountain summits is striking.

  [SPECIFIC]; [[RARE]]

Word relations
• Ant: (ABOVE)下/BELOW The standard term referring to the relatively low position of something vis-a-vis something else is xià 下 (ant. shàng 上 "above"). [GENERAL]; [[COMMON]] 3 Attributions
• Ant: (RULER)民/PEOPLE The dominant current general word for the people is mín 民 (ant. jūn 君 "ruler"), and this term refers to the people particularly insofar as they are ruled by a ruler or belong to a state. 2 Attributions
• Ant: (ASCEND)降/DESCEND The current word for descending is jiàng 降 (ant. shēng 升 "ascend", dēng 登 "ascend"). 1 Attribution
• Object: (SUPERIOR)事/SERVE The current general word for serving another is shì 事 (ant. shǐ 使 "deploy"). 1 Attribution
• Object: (RULER)事/SERVE The current general word for serving another is shì 事 (ant. shǐ 使 "deploy"). 2 Attributions
• Object: (SUPERIOR)犯/OFFEND Fàn 犯 (ant. cǒng 從 "follow obediently") refers as a derogatory term to a deliberate and active breaking of a rule. 2 Attributions
• Object: (RULER)蔽/BLOCK1 Attribution
• Epithet: (RULER)寬/FORGIVE Kuān 寬 (ant. kè 刻 "ruthless strictness") refers to a general attitude of mind which inclines one to pardon others and to show forgiveness. 1 Attribution
• Assoc: (RULER)主/RULER The current general word for a person in charge of others are zhǔ 主 (ant. pú 僕 "servant"). 4 Attributions
• Assoc: (SUPERIOR)長/SENIOR1 Attribution
• Synon: (RULER)主/RULER The current general word for a person in charge of others are zhǔ 主 (ant. pú 僕 "servant"). 1 Attribution
• Oppos: (HEAVEN)下/EARTH1 Attribution
• Oppos: (SUPERIOR)次/BAD1 Attribution