Taxonomy of meanings for 無:　　

Additional information about 無

說文解字:

Criteria
• IMPOLITE
  

  1. The standard word for public impoliteness is wǔ 侮 which enters surprisingly often into descriptive and perhaps intensitive binomes.

  2. The current philosophically explicit phrase is wú lǐ 無禮

• PAIN
  

  1. The clearly dominant general word for physical pain is tòng 痛 (ant. shū 舒 "feel well" and wú yàng 無恙 "fail nothing").

  NB: Curiously, it is hard to think of other common words for pain. Téng 疼 is post-Buddhist.

• INNOCENT
  

  1. The standard idiomatic phrase for innocence is bù gū 不辜.

  2. Wú zuì 無罪 is a very common periphrastic phrase for general innocence.

• DEVELOPMENT
  

  漸 "gradual development" comes closest to this concept, as in 無漸 "without any gradual development" in LH 自紀

• CHINESE LANGUAGE
  

  1. guānhuà 官話 "Mandarin" is obsolete, and its traditional antonym was xiāngyǔ 鄉語 "local speech".

  From Míng Dynasty times, this was a current word for the common vernacular language used by administrative staff of any kind throughout China.

  DC: 明何良俊《四友齋叢說 ‧ 史十一》： " 雅宜不喜作鄉語，每發口必官話。 "

  2. báihuà 白話 "plain speech, vernacular" (as opposed to wényán 文言 )

  This is a modern word referring to an easily accessible written version of the Chinese language. In classical contexts or early vernacular contexts the expression always seems to refer to "empty talk" rather than the vernacular language.

  3. guóyǔ 國語 "national language" (ant. wàiyǔ 外語 ) (pre-1950ies and Taiwan)

  A word that continues to be in increasing common use even in Mainland China today, and which is standard in places like Malaysia or Singapore, as well as in Taiwan.

  4. zhōngguóyǔ 中國語 "language of China" (ant. wàiguóyǔ 外國語 )

  Current Japanese way of writing the Japanese word for the Chinese language, but the expression has a long history in China, the first attested use being in Yáng Xióng's Model Sayings of the first century BC.

  5. pǔtōnghuà 普通話 "common language" (Mainland China) (ant. dìfāngyǔ 地方語, fāngyán 方言 "dialect (not in the ancient meaning)")

  This is a very common modern expression which corresponds to Greek koinē, and the word is always used in counterdistinction to (often mutually incomprehensible) dialects. The word has a rather political flair.

  6. Hànyǔ 漢語 "language of the Hàn people" (should include all dialects, but is often used otherwise)

  This is the most current word for the Chinese language as opposed to other 族語 "national languages". The word is very current in the Buddhist Tripitaka, but it is also attested elsewhere 庾信《奉和法筵應詔》： " 佛影胡人記，經文漢語翻。 ". The term is also attested in 世說新語.

  7. Zhōngguóhuà 中國話 "Chinese speech" (includes all dialects)

  This word is always used in counterdistinction to foreign languages. It has become current in international contexts in nineteenth century novels.

  8. Zhōngwén 中文 "Chinese (typically written) language" (ant. wàiwén 外文, often icludes speech: 會說中文 )

  This word is already attested in the medieval 搜神記, where it refers to the written language. In Modern Standard Chinese this is a very common way of referring to Chinese as opposed to foreign languages, and as a subject in school curricula.

  9. Huáyǔ 華語 "Chinese talk" (used mainly in Singapore, Hong Kong etc.)

  This word has a long history in Buddhist texts, and it is also already attested in 劉知幾《史通 ‧ 言語》： "... 必諱彼夷音，變成華語.

  10. Hànyīn 漢音 "Han-Chinese sounds" refers to the Chinese language in a poetic style. Sanskrit is currently referred to as 梵音.

  HD sub verbo 漢文： 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  HD: 2. 指漢語。南朝宋朱廣之《咨顧道士＜夷夏論＞》： " 想茲漢音，流入彼國。 "

  老子漢人也。

  新修科分六學僧傳 R133_p0714a04(02)║

  胡蕃國也。土地不同。則言音亦異。當其化胡成佛之際。為作漢音耶。作蕃音耶。苟以漢音。則蕃國有所不解。以蕃音。則此經之至。宜須翻譯。

  11. Hàn yán 漢言 "Hàn language, language of the Hàn Dynasty> Chinese" (ant. 胡言 or 胡語 ) is a historico-ethnographic term.

  This remained a very common way of referring to the Chinese language long after the Hàn Dynasty, as is clear from the Buddhist Tripitaka. (424 occurrences in CBETA.)

  T25n1512_p0835b29(05)║

  胡言般若波羅蜜。

  漢言智慧彼岸也

  T48n2023_p1095c25(00)║

  志曰。

  佛者。 Buddha

  漢言覺也。 is "the enlightened" in Hàn language"

  將以覺悟群生也。 He will bring enlightenment to the sentient beings.

  12. Wényán 文言 "literary Chinese" (ant. báihuà 白話 "plain vernacular") today refers to a modernised version of traditional classical Chinese, as used for example in letters. But in the Buddhist Tripitaka, for example, the phrase regularly refers to ornate Chinese, ornate formulations. Neither traditionally nor in modern times is 文言 used in counterdistinction to foreign languages: the contrast is with other varieties of Chinese.

  DC: 4. 別於白話的古漢語書面語。蔡元培《在國語傳習所的演說》： " 文言上還有例句，如 ' 爾無我詐，我無爾虞 ' 等。 "

  13. wényánwén 文言文 "literary Chinese writing" (ant. báihuàwén 白話文 ) refers to classical Chinese as it continues to be used in the introductions to books and in formal letter-writing.

  This is a twentieth century word, as far as I can see.

  14. báihuà-wén 白話文 "plain talk writing" (ant. wényánwén 文言文 ) is a term with a strong stylistic nuance.

  This is a twentieth century word.

  15. tōngyòngyǔ 通用語 "general use language".

  This is a twentieth century neologism designed to replace 普通話. The term has never achieved broad use.

  16. dàzhòngyǔ 大眾語 "mass language" is obsolete today.

  This is a politicised ideological concept stressing the universal use and popularity of the Chinese language as advocated by language politicians. It is a twentieth century political neologism.

  17. guówén 國文 "state writing" refers in a formal way to written Chinese.

  This is a twentieth century term mainly used in connection with educational politics.

  HD: 許地山《東野先生》： “ 這不是國文教科書底一課麼？ ”

  18. Hàn wén 漢文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Hàn (typically written) language"

  HD: 2. 漢語；漢字。南朝梁僧祐《梵漢譯經音義同异記》： " 或善梵義而不了漢音，或明漢文而不曉梵意。 "

  19. Zhōngguó wénzì 中國文字 "the Chinese (written) language"

  T49n2036_p0477a06(03)║　

  中國文字未通。蓋不可知也。

  R110_p0542b01(05)║

  偈語原必有韻譯以中國文字。則無可協。

  R110_p0542b09(00)║

  流入東土後。以中國文字經為尊稱。故亦稱經。

  20. Huá yán 華言 is an obsolete traditional term for Chinese that comes over 1200 times in Taisho Tripitaka.

  R150_p0541a 13(00)║

  剌麻者。乃西域之尊稱。

  譯華言為無上二字。

  R149_p0695a 12(00)║

  梵語阿修羅。亦云阿素洛。

  又云阿須倫。

  華言非天。

  R149_p0718b05(03)║

  梵語袈裟華言壞色衣。

  21. dōngtǔ Huáxiàyán 東土華夏言 "Chinese language in the eastern regions" is an ad hoc periphrastic expression which one might insist was never lexicalised, but it is perhaps worth recording just as well, if only in order to

  R059_p0119b04(00)║

  梵語。西天梵國語也。

  華言。東土華夏言也。

  譯者翻也。

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  22. Hàn'ér yányǔ 漢兒言語 "Hàn language" is a term that is current in Korean textbooks of colloquial Chinese, like the famous 老乞大 : “ 你是高麗人，卻怎麼漢兒言語說的好。 ” See also the article in 太田辰夫《漢語史通考 · 關於漢兒言語》

  23. Jìn wén 晉文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Jìn (typically written) language" is fairly rare, but clear examples are easily found:

  T50n2059_p0326c12(02)║

  還歸中夏。

  自燉煌至長安。

  沿路傳譯寫為晉文。

  24. Jìn yán 晉言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Jìn" is common indeed, but many examples can be read technically as "in Jìn this translates as". Not however in this example:

  於龜茲國金華祠。

  T14n0434_p0105ā6(01)║　

  演出此經。譯梵音為晉言。

  T33n1693_p0001ā7(01)║

  斯經似安世高譯。為晉言也。 (punctuation probably wrong!)

  25. Jìn yǔ 晉語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Jìn"

  T50n2059_p0329ā2(00)║

  手執梵文口宣晉語。

  T55n2145_p0072b24(03)║

  先誦本文。

  然後乃譯為晉語。

  26. Jìn yīn 晉音 "Jìn Dynasty speech"

  T14n0434_p0105á1(00)║

  沙門慧海者。通龜茲語。

  善解晉音。

  林復命使譯龜茲語為晉音。

  T50n2060_p0634á6(02)║

  外國語云阿耨菩提。

  晉音翻之無上大道。

  27. Qín yán 秦言 "Qín language> Chinese" is the standard way of providing Chinese translations for Sanskrit words in the Buddhist Tripitaka. (No less than 1132 examples in CBETA, but mostly formulaic, as in the following examples.)

  答曰。摩訶秦言大。 "maha is "big"in Chinese"

  T25n1509_p0383á2(03)║

  今問摩訶薩義。摩訶者秦言大。

  28. Qín yǔ 秦語 "Speech of the Qín > Chinese"

  In the Buddhist Tripitaka, this is a very formal term for Chinese, not very common. (Only 22 occurrences in CBETA)

  T26n1543_p0771b02(08)║

  梵本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千五百四言 ) 。

  秦語十九萬五千二百五十言。

  T51n2068_p0053c09(05)║

  什自手執胡經。

  口譯秦語曲從方言而趣不乖本。

  T51n2068_p0054á9(07)║

  什自執梵本口譯秦語。

  T55n2145_p0072b07(28)║

  胡本十五千七十二首盧 ( 四十八萬二千三百四言 ) 秦語十九萬五千二百五十言

  T55n2145_p0073c09(02)║

  胡本一萬一千七百五十二首盧長五字也。

  凡三十七萬六千六十四言也。

  秦語為十六五千九百七十五字。

  29. Táng wén 唐文 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Táng (typically written) language"

  This is the standard way of referring to the written Chinese language in Buddhist texts of the Táng dynasty.

  R130_p0664b06(02)║

  以華言唐文刻釋氏經典

  T39n1797_p0803b21(10)║

  不得梵文依唐文得意亦同。

  T48n2025_p1160a24(08)║

  唐文多對偶當盡翻譯。

  T50n2060_p0614c17(05)║

  有天竺三藏大齎梵本擬譯唐文。

  R024_p0177a16(02)║　

  語精梵言。

  雖亦兼美唐文。

  乍來恐未盡善。

  30. Táng yán 唐言 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Language of the Táng".

  1523 occurrences in CBETA. Occasionally, one wonders whether this does refer to Táng time Chinese whereas Hànyīn 漢音 does not:

  T20n1177Ap0724c02(01)║

  遂將得舊翻譯唐言漢音經本在寺。

  31. Táng yǔ 唐語 (obsolete, current in Buddhist texts) "Speech of the Táng"

  A fairly rare way of referring to the Chinese language in Táng Buddhist texts. (Only 18 occurrences in CBETA)

  R014_p0563a14(02)║

  印度罽賓皆未詳唐語。

  R036_p0985a16(18)║　　　　

  又多兩重怗文當知初依梵文後釋唐語

  T30n1579_p0283c07(05)║

  三藏法師玄奘。

  敬執梵文譯為唐語。

  32. Táng yīn 唐音 "Táng speech" is a regular expression for Táng Dynasty Chinese in the Buddhist Tripitaka.

  R036_p0584b13600)

  梵語本是兩名唐音無以甄別

  R066_p0717b08(01)║

  此偈乃是梵語訛言。

  傳者將為唐音正字。

  33. Tánghuà 唐話 "Táng talk" is a current Cantonese term for Chinese, and the famous intellectual 許地山 writes: 他說的雖是唐話，但是語格和腔調全是不對的。 But in this phrase, I am instructed by my teacher and friend Jiǎng Shàoyú, Táng refers not to the dynasty but to 唐山.

  34. Dà Táng yǔ 大唐語 "Speech of the Great Táng Dynasty" is rarely attested, but the word does exist:

  R150_p1055b17(00)║

  若僧雖是新羅人。却會大唐語。 Monk Ruò was a person from Xīnluó, but he spoke the language of the Great Táng Dynasty.

  35. Hàn 漢 is an abbreviation for Hànyǔ 漢語 currently used in Buddhist translation theory, but the word is not in itself a term for the Chinese language outside such technical contexts.

  T21n1293_p0378c15(02)║　

  翻梵為漢 Translate the Sanskrit into Chinese.

  R068_p0353b05(05)║

  梵是天竺之言。

  漢是此土之語。

  R133_p0623b09(07)║

  序以條列梵漢旨義。

  R005_p0007b03(02)║

  翻譯之家自有規准。 The specialists in translation have their own standards.

  若名梵漢共有。 If a term exists both in Sanskrit and in Chinese

  則敵對而翻。 than they just match the terms up in translation.

  36. Táng 唐 "language of the Táng Dynsasty.

  梵唐

  T54n2133Ap1196b12(02)║　

  一曰義淨撰梵語千字文。

  或名梵唐千字文。

  T55n2176_p1118a01(00)║　

  梵唐對譯阿彌陀經一卷 ( 仁 )

  This is the same as 梵唐語：

  T55n2176_p1118b20(00)║　

  梵唐語對註譯大佛頂真言一卷

  T55n2176_p1119c19(18)║

  梵唐對譯法花二十八品

  T55n2176_p1120a05(00)║　

  梵唐對譯金剛般若經二卷

  T55n2176_p1131a06(00)║　

  梵唐文字一卷

  37. Jìn 晉 "the language of the Jìn Dynasty.

  The term is rarely used to refer directly to the language, unlike the common Táng 唐. But examples do exist:

  T55n2157_p0795c08(08)║

  既學兼梵晉故譯義精允。

  38. nèidìhuà 內地話 refers to the language spoken on the Mainland, and the word is mostly used on Taiwan. This term represents an outsider's view on the Chinese language. (2.9 million hits in Google! This important word was brought to my attention by Jens Østergaard Petersen.)

  39. shénzhōu yǔ 神州語 "the language of our divine land" is quaint, nationalistically sentimental, and a rare way of referring to the Chinese language.

  beijing.kijiji.cn/á1221463.html:

  心中一暖，想到他居然會說神州語，正要說些甚麼，但一開口，嘴部動作牽動喉嚨，...

  40. zúyǔ 族語 "the national language (of the Chinese) is a borderline case because the term refers to national languages in general, and only by extension to Chinese in particular.

  42. Hàn dì zhī yán 漢地之言 "language of the Ha4n territory" is a marginal periphrastic expression which one should probably not regard as a lexicalised item. One could study such periphrastic expressions separately from the lexicalised vocabulary.

  R059_p0119b06(06)║

  謂翻梵天之語。轉成漢地之言也。

  [43. jīngpiànzi 京片子 "Chinese as spoken in Peking" is a borderline case because it does refer to Peking speech, but not insofar as it is the standard for the whole of China. Colloquial examples of this sort could be multiplied...]

• DON'T
  

  1. The most common prohibitive particle is wù 勿, which usually precedes transitive verbs with omitted objects.

  2. Wú 毋 is a prohibitive particle which normally requires that any transitive verb it precedes must retain its object.

  3. Wú 無 appears often used for wú 毋, but there is a clear tendency for the word to indicate a generalised "one should not" rather than a "don't" hic et nunc.

• EMPTY
  

  1. The most geneal word is xū 虛 (ant. shí 實 "substantial and full") which can refer both to physical emptiness of a space and to abstract emptiness or tenuousness as a philosophical concept.

  2. Kōng 空 (ant. mǎn 滿 "filled up") generally refers to literal emptiness of a container, but used adjectivally the word also has abstract uses as in kōng yán 空言 "empty words, abstract insubstantial discourse".

  3. Wú 無 (ant. yǒu 有 "existence") refers to the philosophical abstract construct of "nothingness, emptiness".

  4. Kuò 廓 and kuàng 曠 emphasise the expansiveness of the empty space.

• WEEP
  

  1. The current general word for weeping as a spontaneous reaction is qì 泣.

  2. Kū 哭 (ant. xiào 笑 "laugh") refers primarily to the (often ritualised) act of lamentation and wailing which may or may not be accompanied by the shedding of tears, and the word is never used to refer to refer to a spontaneous breaking into tears. (Note HNZ: 其哭哀而無聲 )

  3. Háo 號 refers to noisy ritual wailing with no suggestion of any shedding of tears.

  4. Tí 啼 refers to plaintive long-drawn wailing.

  5. Tì 涕 focusses specifically on the shedding of tears, but there is often an admixture of snivel.

  6. Lìn 臨 refers to wailing, possibly accompanied by weeping, en groupe on the occasion of someone's death.

• LACK
  

  1. The general term for the absence, lack or the failure to have something is wú 無 (ant. yǒu 有 "have").

  2. Quē 缺 refers to the absence of what ought to be there.

  3. Quē 闕 can refer specifically to the deliberate or inadvertent omission of what one might expect was there, but sometimes the word is used interchangeably with quē 缺.

  4. Fá 乏 (ant. zú 足 "have enough of") refers to the insufficiency of something needed or the absence of supplies.

• ILLNESS
  

  1. From Warring States onwards the most current general word for illness was bìng 病, but in earlier times the word referred even more generally to troubles and difficulties of many kinds. This archaic usage did continue into later usage. When used specifically, bìng 病 refers to a lasting long-term medical condition. Interestingly, mental/emotional conditions tend to be bìng 病, perhaps because they are taken to be lasting and not acute.

  2. Jí 疾 is the oldest general word for illness, from OBI times onwards, and often this word continues to be used in this generalised way. But sometimes the word comes to refer more specifically to an acute short-term medical condition, adjectivally in jí bìng 疾病, and especially a change in medical condition, that can be very serious but is not normally construed as chronic. (Seasonal epidemiological conditions are also jí 疾.)

  3. Yàng 恙 is largely restricted to the common idiomatic formula wú yàng 無恙 "be in good health" and sometimes yǒu yàng 有恙 "have medical problems".

  4. Lì 癘 often refers to pest and the like, and comes to refer to any very serious disease. For specific meanings see also ILLNESSES.

• ALL
  

  [ADNOMINAL/ADVERBIAL]

  [ARCHAIC/CURRENT]

  [COLLECTIVE/INDIVIDUAL]

  [[COMMON/RARE]]

  [OBJECT-BINDING/SUBJECT-BINDING]

  1. Jiē 皆 the most common and general colourless subject qunatifier which is also used, occasionally as an object quantifier.

  SUBJECT-BINDING!; [padV]

  2.Jìn 盡 is a universal object quantifier which indicates that the action the transitive verb it precedes applies to the whole lot of the objects of that verb indiscriminately.

  [OBJECT-BINDING!], [COLLECTIVE]; [vadVt]

  3. Gè 各 quantifies by emphasising the separate features of each item quantified over.

  [INDIVIDUAL], [SUBJECT-BINDING]; [n+Vt]

  4. Jiān 兼 is an object quantifier which says that the transitive verb it precedes applies to each of the objects in its own right.

  [OBJECT-BINDING], [INDIVIDUAL]; [vadVt]

  5. Qún 群 is a quantifier which indicates that the whole of the flock or group of items designated by the noun it precedes are referred to

  [COLLECTIVE]; [nadN]

  6. Zhū 諸 is an adjectival quantifier which indicates that the whole group of the things indicated by the noun it precedes is referred to.

  [COLLECTIVE]; [padN]

  7. Zhòng 眾 is an adnominal quantififier which says that the whole of the group of things designated by the noun it precedes are intended.

  [COLLECTIVE]; [nadN]

  8. Fán 凡 characterises a topic adnominally as forming the general subject or topic in a non-narrative statement of principle. The current gloss "in general" is misleading because it wrongly suggests that there are exceptions, and because it does not specify the non-narrative "theoretical" nature of the statements introduced by the word. "In principle" is much to be preferred.

  [SPECIFIC]; [vadN[TOPIC]]

  9. Jù 俱 / 具 is a collective subject quantifier which says that all the subjects are equally and together characterised by what is in the predicate.

  [SUBJECT-BINDING]; [vadV]

  10. Fàn 氾 quantifies generally over all objects of the verb it precedes.

  [COLLECTIVE], [OBJECT-BINDING]; [vadVt]

  11. Fàn 汎 says that a verb has a whole range of objects, indiscriminately, and without reference to their specific character.

  [COLLECTIVE], [OBJECT-BINDING]; [padVt]

  12. Měi 每 mostly adnominal and emphasises that a each and every new item quantified over is separately intended.

  [INDIVIDUAL]; [padN]

  13. Jūn 均 / 鈞 expresses universal quantification over all subjects equally, without any difference.

  [INDIVIDUAL], [SUBJECT-BINDING]; [vadN]

  14. Zhōu 周 is a rare object quantifier claiming that all the objects of a verb are intended, without exception.

  [COLLECTIVE], [OBJECT-BINDING]; [vadVt]

  15. Xī 悉 mass object qunatifier which says that the transitive verb it precedes applies to the whole of the objects indiscriminately.

  [COLLECTIVE], [OBJECT-BINDING]; [vadVt]

  16. Xián 咸 is an archaic subject quantifier which came to new life in Han times.

  [INDIVIDUAL], [SUBJECT-BINDING!]; [vadV]

  17. Bì 畢 a subject quantifier which says that the predicate applies to all subjects.

  [ADVERBIAL]; [SUBJECT-BINDING]; [RARE]

  18. Jǔ 舉 is an adjectival quantifier of limited idiomatic use indicating that all the things in a certain area are referred to.

  [ADNOMINAL]; [COLLECTIVE]

  19. Wú bù 無不 is a neutral subject and object quantifier.

  20. Mò bù 莫不 is a neutral subject quantifier.

  [PREVERBAL]; [SUBJECT-BINDING]

  21. Sì hǎi 四海 sometimes refers generally to all inhabitants of the inhabited world, like tiān xià 天下, and these are marginal in this group.

  [NOMINAL]; [COLLECTIVE]

• TRUE
  

  1. The most current word is rán 然 "it is so" (ant. fǒu 否 "be untrue"), and what is said to be so is a yán 言 "statement', and things are claimed to be as stated in that statement.

  2. Kě 可 refers to logical or ethical acceptability.

  3. Xìn 信 (ant. zhà 詐 "fraudulent and not reliable") refers prototypically to reliablity as information.

  4. Shì 是 (ant. fēi 非 "wrong") refers prototypically to what invites assent or approval.

  5. Zhēn 真 (ant. jiǎ 假 "fake") typically refers to what contains nothing faked or unreal and is genuinely true.

  6. Dāng 當 (ant. guò 過 "wrong") refers prototypically to what fits the facts and does not deviate.

  7. Yǒu 有 (ant. wú 無 "there is no such fact")refers abstractly to the occurrence of an event or the truth of an abstract proposition.

  8. Chéng 誠 (ant. wěi 偽 "faked") refers to honest truth. (Note that chéng 誠 normally means "earnest" in early texts and has nothing to do with this meaning.)

  9. Shí 實 "real and true" (ant. xū 虛 "only apparently") refers to something not being a figment of the imagination. See REAL.

• PEOPLE
  

  1. The dominant current general word for the people is mín 民 (ant. jūn 君 "ruler"), and this term refers inclusively to all the people particularly insofar as they are ruled by a ruler or belong to a state (xiǎo mín 小民 are the ordinary people). [ 夫民之為言也暝也，萌之為言也（肓）〔盲〕也，故惟上之所扶而以之，民無不化也。故曰：「民萌。」民萌哉！ ( 直言其意而為之名也 ) Xinshu 9

  2. Bǎi xìng 百姓 (ant. jūn zhǔ 君主 "ruler") typically refers to the registered senior families in a state who are under the control of the ruler and contribute taxes as well as military service to him; but from earliest times this term was occasionally used to refer generally to the populace at large.

  3. Rén 人 (ant. wáng 王 "king") is sometimes used generically for those people who were taken to have a political voice, as in Yīn rén 殷人 "the people of Yīn".

  4. Méng 氓 / 萌 (ant.* shì mín 士民 "citizens") refers specifically to the common people belonging to the lower echelons of society.

  5. Zhòng 眾, shù 庶 and the rarer and more rarified words 蒸 and lí 黎 refer to the masses of the people under the aspect of their numerousness.

  6. Qián shǒu 黔首 "black-headed people" is the current word for the people especially promoted by the Qin dynasty.

  7. Shì mín 士民 refers to senior registered citizens with a certain political influence; but the term can also be used collectively to refer to the freemen/gentleman shì 士 on the one hand, and the common people mín 民 on the other.

  8. Guó rén 國人 refers not to the people in a state, but specifically to the senior citizens in the capital.

  9. Mín rén 民人 is a very current way of referring to the people without suggesting any low or high status.

  10. Shù rén 庶人 is the technical term for the non-office-holding commoners in a country.

• ACT
  

  [AD-HOC/SYSTEMATIC]

  [AIMLESS/PURPOSEFUL]

  [ARTIFICIAL/NATURAL]

  [BASE/NOBLE]

  [BASIC/MARGINAL]

  [COMMENDATORY/DEROGATORY]

  [CONATIVE/PERFECTIVE]

  [DELIBERATE/INVOLUNTARY]

  [GENERAL/SPECIFIC]

  [HABITUAL/OCCASIONAL]

  [HUMBLE/NOBLE]

  [PHYSICAL/MENTAL]

  [PRESCRIBED/SPONTANEOUS]

  [PRIVATE/PUBLIC]

  [RESPONSIBLE/UNACCOUNTABLE]

  1. The current general word for any deliberate behaviour one may be held morally and/or administratively responsible for is xíng 行 (ant. zhǐ 止 "decide not to take action"), and this conduct is typically one engaged in on someone else's behalf.

  [COMMENDATORY!], [GENERAL], [HABITUAL], [PHYSICAL], [RESPONSIBLE]

  2. Wéi 為 (ant. wú wéi 無為 "not engage in purposeful and result-orientated self-assertive action") focusses not on the act itself but primarily on the results achieved or aimed for.

  [OCCASIONAL], [PURPOSEFUL]

  3. Jū 居, when used in this meaning, focusses not on the results of one's actions, or on the effect of one's actions on others, but on the moral character of one's behaviour as such.

  [HABITUAL], [RESPONSIBLE], [SYSTEMATIC]

  4. Shì 事 (ant.* xián 閒 "take it easy") primarily focusses on action as part of the fulfilment of a duty imposed by one's station in life or a task one has set oneself.

  [PRESCRIBED], [PUBLIC!], [RESPONSIBLE]

  5. Gōng 躬 (ant.* shǐ rén 使人 "get others to...") focusses on a person of considerable social status engaging personally in a (typically public) action. See SELF.

  [MARGINAL], [NOBLE], [OCCASIONAL], [PUBLIC!]

  6. Wěi 偽 (ant. tiān 天 "natural") refers to artificial or faked human action. See PRETEND.

  [ARTIFICIAL], [DEROGATORY!]

  7. Dòng 動 (ant. jìng 靜 "decide to remain inactive") typically refers to spontaneous purposeful action and focusses almost philosophically on the autonomous decision of the agent to act.

  [OCCASIONAL], [DELIBERATE]

  8. Zuò 作 (ant. xí 息 "fail to take the initiative, fail to become active") refers to the taking of an initiative for an action which would not have occurred without such a deliberate initiative, and the word is naturally associated with the notion of creativity.

  SPONTANEOUS, OCCASIONAL, PERFECTIVE

  9. Jǔ 舉 refers specifically to the undertaking of a well-considered major act, particularly as part of a political strategy.

  [DELIBERATE], [PURPOSEFUL], [RESPONSIBLE]

  NB: Fēng 風 refers rather generally and abstractly to a person's or a group's way or pattern of behaviour, and the word is usually used as a noun. See CUSTOM

  10. Jiā 加 typically refers to action insofar as it affects others.

  11. Xí 習 refers to the habitual repeated practice of something in order to achieve proficiency in the kind of action concerned.

• NOT
  

  1. The general all-purpose pre-verbal negation is 不 which generally has the whole predicate it precedes as its scope. 不 can be inchoative "not get to begin", continuative "not continuously", discontinuative "stop doing" or resultative "not get to complete doing". By the rhetorical device of litotes 不 can create antonymic opposites as in 不少 “quite a lot".

  2. Fēi 非 negates categorising subsumptive judgments when it precedes predicative nominals; when preceding verbs 非 "it is not as if" negates not the verbal verbal proposition but metalinguistically the making of a statement that can usefully be paraphrased as "the claim is not that".

  3. Wú 無 "in no way; in no way i.e. regarding no object", when used as a straight negation (contrast SHOULD NOT) is descriptively generalising and not straightforwardly narrative or descriptive.

  4. Fú 弗 "would not; could not" prototypically refers to a refusal or inability to do something which in principle one might intend to do.

  5. Wèi 未 "not yet; not quite" refers to either temporal or logical incompleteness in verbal predication.

  6. Fǒu 否 "It is not the case" is a negative pro-form, and there remains a suspicion that the graph 不 is to be read as fǒu 否 when it is used as a pro-form.

  7. Mò 莫 "none" is protoypically resumptive of an explicit or implicit subject.

  8. Wú 毋 "don't" and wù 勿 don't the object" when not used injunctively, are negations restricted to the position after such causative verbs as 使.

• INACTIVE
  

  1. The standard general word for remaining inactive is jìng 靜 (ant. dòng 動 "take an initiative")

  2. Wú wéi 無為 (ant. yǒu suǒ wéi 有所為 "engage in assertive action") is a technical philosophical term referring to the refusal to take assertive action.

• ZERO
  

  1. 無 x 直 means "the value of X is zero". JZ 8.8: 下無錢直 "below there is no coin value, i.e. there is zero.

  2. 虛缺　JZ 8.8 於下實虛缺矣 "below, the dividend, having been empty, now involves a lack> is negative

• VIRTUE
  

  1. The current general term for salient features and principles of charismatic moral potency, integrity and generosity is dé 德, when used as a term of ethical evalutation.

  2. Other general terms for subjectively construed general moral commendation include měi 美 "point of moral distinction" (ant. è 惡 "point of moral decrepitude"), and occasionally gāo 高 "elevated points, elevated spirit" (ant. jiàn 賤 "point of vulgar decrepitude"). NB that shàn 善 "excellent" is not used as a general term of positive moral appreciation in pre-Buddhist texts.

  3. The most current dé 德 "virtues" recognised in pre-Buddhist China are rén 仁 "kind-heartedness", yì 義 "rectitude", lǐ 禮 "propriety", zhì 智 "wisdom", and xìn 信 "good faith".

  4. Further important virtues are xiào 孝 "filial piety", zhōng 忠 "loyal diligence", tì 悌 / 弟 "brotherly affection", lián 廉 "impeccable probity", jié 節 "moderation", and perhaps yǒng 勇 "the courage of one's moral convictions". ( 說苑 : 百行 (xìng) 孝為先 )

  5. Zhōng yōng 中庸 "the mean in action" may be mentioned as a a central Confucian virtue, jiān ài 兼愛 "unIversal love" as a Mohist virtue, wú wéi 無為 "unobtrusive action" as a non-moralistic Taoist virtue.

• HEALTHY
  

  1. The most general word for good condition of health is jiàn 健 (ant. bìng 病 "sick").

  2. Wú yàng 無恙 is the general polite way of referring to good health.

  3. Kāng 康 and ān 安 are only occasionally used to refer to physical health.

Word relations
• Ant: (LACK)成/COMPLETE The standard word for bringing anything to a successful conclusion is chéng 成. 1 Attribution
• Ant: (LACK)有/HAVE The standard current word for having in general is yǒu 有. 2 Attributions
• Ant: (LACK)有/EXIST The standard word for existence is yǒu 有. 1 Attribution
• Epithet: (LACK)益/PROFIT The current general word for any kind of material or other profit or advantage is yì 益 (ant. sǔn 損 "loss"). 1 Attribution
• Synon: (SHOULD NOT)毋/SHOULD NOT2 Attributions