Typical main verbs appearing with complement que4 are:

fa4ng 放 'to release; let go', qi4 棄 'throw away', she3 捨 'remove'; shi1 失 'loose'; sha1o 燒 'burn'; li2 離 'to seperate; leave'; tuo1 脫 'to remove'; bo1 剝 'to peel'; ma2i 埋 'to bury'; chu2 除 'eliminate; get rid of'; hua4i 壞 'to destroy'; pa1o 拋 'to throw away; abandon'; chi1 喫 'to eat; drink'; tu3 吐 'to spit; vomit'; zhuo2 斫 'to chop off; cut'; hui4 諱 'to avoid'; wu1 污 'to stain; to defile'; ya3 啞 'to mute'; xia1 瞎 'to blind'; gua1n 關 'to shut; to lock'.

Most of the verbs belong to the semantic field V{remove} and que4 indicates that this removal is performed to its full, often resulting in the permanent removal, seperation from, or even destruction of the object. Often que4 also adds the notion that the object involved is beyond repair, i.e. the damaging affect on the object is permanent and not reversible.

546) ZTJ 5.111; WU: 437

“某甲自住此山，"Since I have lived on this mountain

未曾瞎卻一師僧眼。”I have never blinded the eyes of (i.e. deceived) a single monk."

547) ZTJ 5.104; WU: 431

“早是污卻也。”"It has already been defiled."

548) ZTJ 5.058; WU: 403

“除卻這個色，"After having removed this form,

還更有色也無？”is there an additional form?"

This is one of the rare examples where que4 follows a disyllabic verb (fa1-qia3n 發遣 'send away'):

549) ZTJ 5.061; WU: 404

行者隨童子到五祖處，The Postulant followed the child to the place of the Fifth Patriarch

五祖發遣卻童子後，and after the Fifth Patriarch had sent away the child

遂改盧行者名為慧能，he then changed the name of Postulant Lu2 to Hui4ne2ng,

授與衣缽，and bestowed the monk's robe and bowl [on him],

傳為六祖。giving him the transmission as Sixth Patriarch.

Cao counts ca. 200 occurrences of complement 卻 in ZTJ, appearing with more than 70 different main verbs.

Li remarks that also 去 can occasionally have the funtion of 卻 and that the phonetic value of the two words were very similar.

Main verbs appearing with 取 often express mental processes (especially 'to realize; get to know', e.g. 會，覺，識，了，驗，體，記，看) and speech acts (e.g. 道，說，問). Other verbs include 擬 'to imitate', 行 'to practice', 覓 'to search for', 揀 'to choose', 試 'to try', 移 'to move'.

The meaning as complement is probably connected to the meaning as main verb 'to grasp' and by extension 'to perform an action fully'. Many verbs qu3 appears together with can be interpreted as process verbs, e.g. describing a mental process. Qu3 indicates that the process should be completed so that a desired result can be achieved. It is no coincidence that qu3 often appears in sentences including modal verbs indicating obligation, and other modal markers such as sentence final 去.

I think that qu3 does not primarily indicate a result but a 'desired result' and as such differs from suffix 卻.

In Bianwen postverbal qu3 has two main functions. One function is marking completion or a resultative state. All in all there are ca. 20 examples of this kind in Bianwen, e.g.

大夫若要商量取，一依處分不諍（爭）論。。。 (BIANWEN: 61);

玉女盡皆覺悟取，嬋媚各要出塵埃。(BIANWEN: 626);

汝須努力莫為難，造取些些好果盤，待到眾僧解懮日，羅漢騰空盡喜歡。(BIANWEN: 708);

今此覓取一員政官。(BIANWEN: 212);

佛教如是觀虛幻，弁取前生識取因，莫在有為心有相。(BIANWEN: 444).

The examples are cited in Li Quan 1992: 44. Li Quan thinks that the degree of grammaticalization of qu3 is not as high as the one of que4 卻 and the meaning as main verb is still present. However, early in the evolution of function words it is not uncommon that the original meaning as main verb has not completely faded. Viewed from this angle qu3 can be regarded as function word. Another function of qu3 in Bianwen is the indication of continuous aspect, qu3 取 (V.COMP.CONT). Quan Li counts ca. 14 examples of this function, e.g.:

我兒不宜住此方，將取金瓶歸下界。(Bianwen: 113);

說法頭頭蒙告喻，。。。今於末代流傳取。(Bianwen: 525);

記取今朝相動語，這身看即是無常。(Bianwen: 557).